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ETHAN ALLEN 



Zbc IRobin Iboob of Dermont 



BY 

HENRY HALL 




RUINS OF TICONDEROGA 



NEW YORK 
D. APPLETON AND COMPANY 

1892 



QX1>^ A 






Copyright, 1892, 
By D. APPLETON AND COMPANY. 



PREFACE. 



i At the time of the death of Mr. Henry Hall, 
} in 1889, the manuscript for this volume con- 
■" sisted of finished fragments and many notes, 
was left in the hands of his daughters to 
^:lete. The purpose of the author was to 
make a fuller life of Allen than has been writ- 
ten, and singling him from that cluster of 
I sturdy patriots in the New Hampshire Grants, 
to make plain the vivid personality of a Ver- 
mont hero to the younger generations. Mn 
Hall's well-known habit of accuracy and pains- 
taking investigation must be the guaranty that 
this " Life" is worthy of a place among the vol- 
umes of the history of our nation. 

Henrietta Hall Boardman. 



s ^ 



■ i 

i 



CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER I. 

PAGE 

An Account of Allen's Family, , . . i 



CHAPTER H. 
Early Life, Habits of Thought, and Relig- 
ious Tendencies, 12 

CHAPTER HI. 

Removal to Vermont. — The New Hampshire 
Grants, ♦ 22 

CHAPTER IV. 
Allen and the Green Mountain Boys.— Nego- 
tiations Between New York and the New 
Hampshire Grants, 32 

CHAPTER V. 
The Raid upon Colonel Reid's Settlers.— 
Allen's Outlawry. — Crean Brush. — 
Philip Skene, 46 



vi Contents, 

CHAPTER VI. 

PAGE 

Preparations to Capture Ticonderoga. — 
Diary of Edward Mott. — Expeditions 
Planned, — Benedict Arnold. — Gershom 
Beach, .»...,». 6i 

CHAPTER VH. 
Capture of Ticonderoga, 73 

CHAPTER Vni. 

Allen's Letters to the Continental Con- 
gress, TO THE New York Provincial Con- 
gress, AND TO THE MASSACHUSETTS CON- 
GRESS, ........ 81 

CHAPTER IX. 

Allen's "^.e ~^.rs to the Montreal Merchants, 
TO the Indians in Canada, and to the 
Canadians. — ^John Brown, . . . .89 

CHAPTER X. 

Warner Elected Colonel of the Green Moun- 
tain Boys. — Allen's Letter to Governor 
Trumbull. — Correspondence in Regard to 
THE Invasion of Canada. — Attack on Mon- 
treal. — Defeat and Capture. — Warner's 
Report 98 



Contents, vii 

CHAPTER XL 

PAGE 

Allen's Narrative. — Attack on Montreal.— 
Defeat and Surrender. — Brutal Treat- 
ment. — Arrival in England. — Debates in 
Parliament, no 

CHAPTER Xn. 

Life in Pendennis Castle. — Lord North. — 
On Board the " Solebay." — Attentions 
Received in Ireland and Madeira, . .128 

CHAPTER XHL 

Rendezvous at. Cape Fear.— Sickness.— Hali- 
fax Jail. — Letter to General Massey. — 
Voyage to New York. — On Parole, . . 144 

CHAPTER XIV. 

Release from Prison,— With Washington at 
Valley Forge. — The Haldimand Corre- 
spondence 162 

CHAPTER XV. 

Vermont's Treatment by Congress. — Allen's 
Letters to Colonel Webster and to Con- 
gress.— Reasons for Believing Allen a 
Patriot, ... * ... 173 



viii Contents. 

CHAPTER XVI. 

PAGE 

Allen with Gates.— At Bennington. — David 
Redding. — Reply to Clinton. — Embassies 
TO Congress. — Complaint against Broth- 
er Levi. — Allen in Court, . . . .183 

CHAPTER XVII. 

Allen at Guilford. — " Oracles of Reason." — 
John Stark. — St. John de CrI:vecceur. — 
Honors to Allen. — Shay's Rebellion.^ 
Second Marriage 191 

CHAPTER XVIII. 

Death. — Civilization in Allen's Time. — Esti- 
mates OF Allen.— Religious P^eeling in 
Vermont. —Monuments, . . . .198 



ETHAN ALLEN 



CHAPTER I. 

AN ACCOUNT OF HIS FAMILY. 

Ethan Allen is the Robin Hood of Ver- 
mont. As Robin Hood's life was an Anglo- 
Saxon protest against Norman despotism, so 
Allen's life was a protest against domestic rob- 
bery and foreign tyranny. As Sherwood For- 
est was the rendezvous of the gallant and 
chivalrous Robin Hood, so the Green Moun- 
tains were the home of the dauntless and high- 
minded Ethan Allen. As Robin Hood, in 
Scott's "Ivanhoe," so does Allen, in Thomp- 
son's "Green Mountain Boys," win our 
admiration. Although never a citizen of the 
United States, he is one of the heroes of the 
state and the nation; one of those whose 
names the people will not willingly let die. 
History and tradition, song and story, sculpt- 



2 Ethan Allen. 

ure, engraving, and photography alike blazon 
his memory from ocean to ocean. The libra- 
rian of the great library at Worcester, Mas- 
sachusetts, told Colonel Higginson that the 
book most read was Daniel P. Thompson's 
"Green Mountain Boys." Already one cen- 
tennial celebration of the capture of Ticonder- 
oga has been celebrated. Who can tell how 
many future anniversaries of that capture our 
nation will live to see ! Another reason for re- 
freshing our memories with the history of Allen 
is the bitterness with which he is attacked. 
He has been accused of ignorance, weakness 
of mind, cowardice, infidelity, and atheism. 
Among his assailants have been the presi' 
dent of a college, a clergyman^ editors, con- 
tributors to magazines and newspapers, and 
even a local historian among a variety of 
writers of greater or less prominence. If 
Vermont is careful of her own fame, well 
does it become the people to know whether 
Ethan Allen was a hero or a humbug. 

Arnold calls history the vast Mississippi of 
falsehood. The untruths that have been 
published about Allen during the last hundred 
and fifteen years might not fill and overflow 
the Ohio branch of such a Mississippi, but 



An Account of His Family, 3 

they would make a lively rivulet run until it 
was dammed by its own silt. The late Benja- 
min Disraeli, Lord Beaconsfield, fought a 
duel with Daniel O'Connell, because O'Connell 
declared it to be his belief that Disraeli was 
a lineal descendant of the impenitent thief on 
the Cross. Perhaps the libellers of Allen are 
descended from the Yorkers whom he stamped 
so ignominiously with the beech seal. The 
fierce light of publicity perhaps never beat 
upon a throne more sharply than for more than 
a hundred years it has beat upon Ethan Allen. 
His patriotism, courage, religious belief, and 
general character have been travestied and 
caricatured until now the real man has to be 
dug up from heaps of untruthful rubbish, as 
the peerless Apollo Belvidere was dug in the 
days of Columbus from the ruins of classic 
Antium. 

Discrepancies exist even in regard to his 
age. On the stone tablet over his grave his 
age is given as fifty years. Thompson said his 
age was fifty-two. At the unveiling of his 
statue, he was called thirty-eight years old 
when Ticonderoga was taken. These three 
statements are erroneous, and, strange to say, 
Burlington is responsible for them all. Bur- 



4 Ethan Allen, 

lington, the Athens of Vermont, the town 
wherein rest his ashes, the town wherein most 
of the last two years of his life were passed, 
and the town that has done most to honor his 
memory. 

However humiliating it may be to state 
pride, it is probable that the Aliens, centuries 
ago, were no more respectable than the ances- 
tors of Queen Victoria and the oldest British 
peers. The different ways of spelling the 
name, Alleyn, Alain, Allein, and Allen, seem 
to indicate a Norman origin. George Allen, 
professor in the University of Pennsylvania, 
says that Alain had command of the rear of 
William the Conqueror's army at the battle of 
Hastings in 1066. 

Joseph Allen, the father of Ethan, comes to 
the surface of history about the year 1720, one 
year after the death of Addison and the first 
publication of " Robinson Crusoe," in the town 
of Coventry, in Eastern Connecticut, twenty 
miles east of Hartford. When he first appears 
to us he is a minor and an . orphan. His 
widowed mother, Mercy, has several children, 
one of them of age. Their first recorded act 
is emigration fifty miles westward to Litch- 
field, famous for its scenery and ancient elms. 



An Account of His Family. 5 

located between the Naugatuck and the She- 
paug rivers, on the Green and Taconic moun- 
tain ranges; famous also as the place where 
the first American ladies* seminary was lo- 
cated, and most famous of all for its renowned 
law-school, begun over a century ago by 
Judge Tapping Reeve and continued by Judge 
James Gould. Chief Justice John Pierpoint and 
United States Senator S. S. Phelps were among 
its notable pupils. The widow, Mercy Allen, 
died in Litchfield, February 5, 1728. Her son 
Joseph bought one-third of her real estate. 
Within five years he sold two tracts, of 100 
acres each, and fourteen years after his moth- 
er's death he sold the residue as wild land. 
On March 11, 1737, Joseph Allen was married 
to Mary Baker, daughter of John Baker, of 
Woodbury, sister of Remember Baker, who 
was father of the Remember Baker that came 
to Vermont. Thus Ethan Allen and Remem- 
ber Baker were cousins. 

Ethan Allen was born January 10, 1737, 
and died February 21,1 789, and consequently 
he has been said to have been fifty-two years, 
one month and two days old. In fact, he was 
fifty-one years, one month and two days old. 
The year 1737 terminated March 24. Had it 



6 Ethan Allen. 

closed December 31, Allen would have been 
born in 1738. The first day of the year was 
March 25 until 1752 in England and her colo- 
nies. In 175 1 the British Parliament changed 
New Year's Day from March 25 to January i. 
The year 175 1 had no January, no February, 
and only seven days of March. Allen was 
thirteen years old in 1750, and was fourteen 
years old in 1752. 

The year 1738 gave birth to three honest 
men — Ethan Allen, George III., and Benjamin 
West. In 1738 George Washington was six 
years old, John Adams three years old, John 
Stark ten years old, Israel Putnam twenty 
years old. Seth Warner and Jefferson were 
born five years later. In that year no claim 
had ever been made to Vermont by New York 
or New Hampshire. No one had ever ques- 
tioned the right of Massachusetts to the Eng- 
lish part of Vermont. New Hampshire was 
bounded on the west by the Merrimac. Col- 
den, the surveyor-general of New York, in 
an official report bounded New York on the 
east by Connecticut and Massachusetts, on 
the north by Lake Ontario and Canada; 
Canada occupying Crown Point and Chimney 
Point. 



An Account of His Family, 7 

If by waving a magician's wand the Eng- 
lisli- American colonies on the Atlantic slope, 
as they existed in 1738, could pass before us, 
wherein would the tableau differ from that of 
to-day? West of the Alleghanies there were 
the Indians and the French. On the north 
were 50,000 prosperous French, farmers chief- 
ly along the valley of the St. Lawrence from 
Montreal to Quebec. On the east, Acadie, in- 
cluding Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, and a 
part of Maine, was Scotch. Florida was 
Spanish. From Georgia to Maine were 1,500,- 
000 English-Americans and 400,000 African- 
Americans. The colony of New York had a 
population of 60,100. New Hampshire, con- 
sisting of a few thousand settlers, was located 
north and east of the Merrimac, and had a leg- 
islature of its own, but no governor. Massa- 
chusetts, with its charters from James* I. and 
Charles I., claimed the country to the Pacific 
Ocean, and exercised ownership between the 
Merrimac and Connecticut and west of the Con- 
necticut, without a breath of opposition from 
any mortal. Massachusetts had sold land as 
her own which she found to be in Connecticut, 
and she paid that state for it by granting her 
many thousand acres in three of the southeast- 



8 Ethan Allen. 

ern townships of Vermont. She built and sus- 
tained a fort in Brattleboro', kept a garrison 
there with a salaried chaplain, salaried resident 
Indian commissioner, and she established a 
store supplied with provisions, groceries, and 
goods suitable for trade with frontiersmen and 
the Indians of Canada. Bartering was actively 
carried on along the Connecticut River, Black 
River, Otter Creek, and Lake Champlain. In 
1737 a solemn ratification of the old treaty oc- 
curred there; speeches were made, presents 
given, and the healths of George II. and Gover- 
nor Belcher, of Massachusetts, were duly drunk. 
There was no Anglo-Saxon settlement in Ver- 
mont outside of Brattleboro'. In Pownal were 
a few families of Dutch squatters. The Indian 
village of St. Francis, midway between Mon- 
treal and Quebec, peopled partly by New Eng- 
land refugees from King Philip's war of 1676, 
exercised supreme control over northeastern 
Vermont. 

In all the land were only three colleges: 
Harvard, one hundred and two years old, 
Yale, thirty-seven, and William and Mary, 
forty-five. 

Ethan Allen had five brothers, Heman, 
Heber, Levi, Zimri, and Ira, and two sisters, 



Alt Account of His Family. 9 

Lydia and Lucy. Of all our early heroes, few 
glide before us with a statelier step or more 
beneficent mien than Heman Allen, the old- 
est brother of Ethan. Born in Cornwall, Con- 
necticut, October 15, 1740, dying in Salisbury, 
Connecticut, May 18, 1778, his life of thirty- 
seven and a half years was like that of the 
Chevalier Bayard, without fear and without 
reproach. A man of affairs, a merchant and 
a soldier, a politician and a land-owner, a 
diplomat and a statesman, he was capable, in- 
telligent, honest, earnest, and true. But fifteen 
years old when his father died, he was early en- 
gaged in trade at Salisbury. His home became 
the home of his widowed mother and her large 
family. Salisbury was his home and probably 
his legal residence, although he represented 
Rutland and Colchester in the Vermont Con- 
ventions, and was sent to Congress by Dorset. 

Heber was the first town clerk of Poultney. 

Ira was able, shrewd, and gentlemanly; a 
land surveyor and speculator, a lieutenant in 
Warner's regiment, a member of all the con- 
ventions of 1776 and 1777, of the Councils of 
Safety and of the State Council; state treas- 
urer, surveyor-general, author of a " History 
of " Vermont, and of various official papers and 



lo Ethan Allen. 

political pamphlets. In 1796 he bought, in 
France," twenty-four brass cannon and twenty 
thousand muskets, ostensibly for the Vermont 
militia, which were seized by the English. 
After a lawsuit of seven or eight years he re- 
gained them, but the expense beggared him. 
He died in Philadelphia, January 7, 1814, aged 
sixty- three years. 

Levi Allen joined in the expedition to capt- 
ure Ticonderoga, became Tory, and was com- 
plained of by his brother Ethan as follows : 

Bennington County, j-i-..- 

Arlington, 9 January, 1779. • 
To the Hon. the Court of Confiscation, comes 
Col. Ethan Allen, in the name of the freemen 
of the state, and complaint makes that Levi 
Allen, late of Salisbury in Connecticut, is of Tory 
principles and holds in fee sundry tracts and par- 
cels of land in this State. The said Levi, has 
been detected in endeavoring to supply the enemy 
on Long Island; and in attempting to circulate 
counterfeit continental money, and is guilty of 
holding treasonable correspondence with the en- 
emy tinder cover of doing favors to me when a 
prisoner at New York and Long Island; and in 
talking and using influence in favor of the enemy, 
associating with inimical persons to this country, 
and with them monopolizing the necessaries of 



A7t Account of His Family. ii 

fife; in endeavoring to lessen the credit of the 
continental currency, and in particular hath ex- 
erted himself in the most fallacious manner to in- 
jure the property and character of some of the 
most zealous friends to the independence of the 
U. S. and of this State likewise : all which inimi- 
cal conduct is against the peace and dignity of the 
freemen of this State. I therefore pray the Hon. 
Court to take the matter under their consideration 
and make confiscation of the estate of said Levi 
before mentioned, according to the laws and cus- 
toms of this State, in such case made and provided. 

Ethan Allen. 

Levi died while in jail, for debt, at Burling- 
ton, Vermont, in 1801. 

Zimri lived and died in Sheffield. 

Lydia married a Mr. Finch, and lived and 
died in Goshen, Connecticut. 

Lucy married a Dr. Beebee, and lived and 
died in Sheffield. 



CHAPTER IL 



TENDENCIES. 



The life of Allen may be divided into four 
periods: the first thirty-one years before he 
came to Vermont (i 738-1 769), the six years in 
Vermont before his captivity (i 769-1 775), the 
two years and eight months of captivity (1775- 
1778), and the eleven years in Vermont after 
his captivity (i 778-1 789). 

When he was two years old the family moved 
into Cornwall. There his brothers and sisters 
wxre born, there his father died, there Ethan 
lived until he was twenty-four years old. 
When seventeen he was fitting for college with 
the Rev. Mr. Lee, of Salisbury. His father's 
death put an end to his studies. This was in 
1755, when the French and Indian war was 
raging along Lakes George and Champlain, 
a war which lasted until Allen's twenty-third 
year. Some of the early settlers of Vermont, 
Samuel Robinson, Joseph Bowker, and others, 



Early Life and Habits » 13 

took part in this war. Not so Allen. There 
is no intimation that he hungered for a 
soldier's life in his youth. His usual means 
of earning a livelihood for himself and his 
widowed mother's family is supposed to have 
been agriculture. 

William Cothrens, in his " History of An- 
cient Woodbury," tells us that in January, 1762, 
Allen, with three others, entered into the iron 
business in Salisbury, Connecticut, and built 
a furnace. In June of that year he returned 
to Roxbury, and married Mar)^ Brownson, a 
maiden five years older than himself. The 
marriage fee was four shillings, or sixty-seven 
cents. By this wife he had five children: 
one son, who died at the age of eleven, while 
Ethan was a captive, and four daughters. 
Two died unmarried ; one married Eleazer W. 
Keyes, of Burlington; the other married the 
Hon. Samuel Hitchcock, of Burlington, and 
was the mother of General Ethan Allen 
Hitchcock, U. S. A. 

Allen resided with his family first at Salis- 
bury and afterward at ShefSeld, the southwest 
corner town of Massachusetts. For six miles 
the boundary line of the two states is the 
boundary line of the two towns. In these 



14 Ethan Allen. 

towns the families of Ethan Allen and his 
brothers and sisters lived many years. Two 
years after moving to Salisbury he bought 
two and a half acres, or one-sixteenth part 
of a tract of land on Mine Hill, an eleva- 
tion of 350 feet in Roxbury, containing, it is 
said, the most remarkable deposit of spathic 
iron ore in the United States. Immense sums 
of money were expended in vain attempts to 
work it as a silver mine. Two years after 
Allen began his Vermont life he still owned 
land in Judea Society, a part of the present 
town of Washington. The details and finan- 
cial results of these business undertakings are 
not furnished us. They indicate enterprise, if 
nothing more. Carrying on a farm, casting 
iron ware, and working a mine, not military 
affairs, seem to have been the avenues wherein 
Allen developed his executive ability during 
his early manhood. 

What were his educational facilities, his so- 
cial privileges, and his religious view^s during 
this formative period of his life? Ira Allen, 
in 1795, writes to Dr. S. Williams, the early 
historian of Vermont, that when his father, 
Joseph Allen, died, his brother Ethan was pre- 
paring for college, and that the death of his 



Ea7'ly Life mid Habits, 15 

father obliged Ethan to discontinue his clas- 
sical studies. Mr. Jehial Johns, of Hunting- 
ton, told the Rev. Zadock Thompson that he 
knew Ethan Allen in Connecticut, and was 
very certain that Allen spent some time study- 
ing with, the Rev. Mr. Lee, of Salisbury, with 
the view of fitting himself for college. The 
widow of Judge Samuel Hitchcock, of Burling- 
ton, told Mr. Thompson that Ethan's attend- 
ance at school did not exceed three months. 
Ira Allen writes General Haldimand in July, 
1 78 1, that his brother Ethan has resigned his 
Brigadier-Generalship in the Vermont militia, 
and "returned to his old studies, philosophy." 
To what period in Ethan's life does the phrase 
*'old studies" refer? It could not be his life 
after the captivity, during his five years' col- 
lisions with the Yorkers, but the period we 
are now considering. Heman Allen's widow, 
when Mrs. Wadhams, told Zadock Thompson 
that one summer when he was residing in her 
house he passed almost all the time in writing. 
She did not know what was the subject of his 
study, but on one occasion she called him to 
dinner, and he said he was very sorry she had 
called him so soon, for he had "got clear up 
into the upper regions." Allen himself says: 



1 6 Ethan Alie?i, 

In my youth I was much disposed to contempla- 
tion, and at my commencement in manhood I com- 
mitted to manuscript such sentiments or arguments 
as appeared most consonant to reason, lest through 
the debility of memory, my improvement should 
have been less gradual. This method of scrib- 
bling I practised for many years, from which I 
experienced great advantages in the progression 
of learning and knowledge ; the more so as I was 
deficient in education and had to acquire the 
knowledge of grammar and language, as well as 
the art of reasoning, principally from a studious 
application to it; which after all, I am sensible, 
lays me under disadvantages, particularly in mat- 
ters of composition ; however, to remedy this de- 
fect I have substituted the most unwearied pains. 
. . . Ever since I arrived at the state of man- 
hood and acquainted myself with the general 
history of mankind, I have felt a sincere passion 
for liberty. The history of nations doomed to 
perpetual slavery in consequence of yielding up to 
tyrants their natural-born liberties, I read with a 
sort of philosophical horror. 

In Allen's youth great revivals were in- 
augurated, organized, and continued mainly 
by the preaching of Whitefield, who roused 
and electrified audiences of several thousands, 
as men have rarely been moved since the days 
of Peter the Hermit. Even Franklin, Boling- 
broke, and Chesterfield were fascinated by him. 



Early Life and Habits, \*j 

As for Allen, baptized in his infancy, in the 
days when no Sabbath-school blessed the race, 
when the Westminster Catechism and Watts' 
Hymns were in use throughout New England 
(Isaac Watts died when Allen was eleven years 
old) , living in and near northwest Connecticut 
in as democratic and religious community as the 
world had ever seen, reading none of the books 
of the Deists, he was fond of discussion and 
delighted in writing out his arguments. Hav- 
ing been brought up an Armenian Christian, in 
contradistinction to a Calvinistic Christian, his 
views in early manhood began to change. One 
picture of this gradual evolution he gives us 
in the following description : 

The doctrine of imputation according to the 
Christian scheme consists of two parts. First, of 
imputation of the apostasy of Adam and Eve to 
their posterity, commonly called original sin; 
and secondly, of the imputation of the merits or 
righteousness of Christ, who in Scripture is called 
the second Adam to mankind or to the elect. This 
is a concise definition of the doctrine, and which 
will undoubtedly be admitted to be a just one by 
every denomination of men who are acquainted 
with Christianity, whether they adhere to it or not. 

I therefore proceed to illustrate and explain the 
doctrine by transcribing a short but very perti- 



1 8 Ethan Allen, 

nent conversation which in the early days of my 
manhood I had with a Calvinistic divine; but 
previously remark that I was educated in what 
are commonly called the Armenian principles; 
and among other tenets to reject the doctrine of 
original sin ; this was the point at issue between 
the clergyman and me. In my turn I opposed 
the doctrine of original sin with philosophical 
reasonings, and as I thought had confuted the 
doctrine. The Reverend gentleman heard me 
through patiently: and with candor replied: 

" Your metaphysical reasonings are not to the 
purpose, inasmuch as you are a Christian and hope 
and expect to be saved by the imputed righteous- 
ness of Christ to you ; for you may as well be im- 
putedly sinful as imputedly righteous. Nay, " said 
he, " if you hold to the doctrine of satisfaction and 
atonement by Christ, by so doing you presuppose 
the doctrine of apostasy or original sin to be in 
fact true;" for, said he, " if mankind were not in a 
ruined and condemned state by nature, there could 
have been no need of a Redeemer ; but each indi- 
vidual of them would have been accountable to his 
Creator and Judge, upon the basis cf his own 
moral agency. Further observing that upon philo- 
sophical principles it was difficult to account for 
the doctrine of original sin, or of original righteous- 
ness; yet as they were plain, fundamental doc- 
trines of the Christian faith we ought to assent to 
the truth of them ; and that from the divine au- 
thority of revelation. Notwithstanding," said he, 



Early Life and Habits. 19 

" if you will give me a philosophical explanation 
of origial imputed righteousness, which you pro- 
fess to believe and expect salvation by, then I will 
return you a philosophical explanation of original 
sin; for it is plain," said he, *' that your objections 
lie with equal weight against original imputed 
righteousness, as against original imputed sin." 

Upon which I had the candor to acknowledge 
to the worthy ecclesiastic, that upon the Christian 
plan I perceived the argument had clearly ter- 
minated against me. For at that time I dared not 
to distrust the infallibility of revelation; much 
more to dispute it. However, this conversation 
was uppermost in my mind for several months 
after; and after many painful searches and re- 
searches after the truth, respecting the doctrine 
of imputation, resolved at all events to abide the 
decision of rational argument in the premises; 
and on a full examination of both parts of the 
doctrine, rejected the whole; for on a fair scru- 
tiny, I found that I must concede to it entirely or 
not at all; or else believe inconsistently as the 
clergyman had argued. 

He relates also a change from his juvenile 
views of biblical history : 

When I was a boy, by one means or other, I had 
conceived a very bad opinion of Pharaoh; he 
seemed to me to be a cruel, despotic prince; he 
would not give the Israelites straw, but neverthe- 
less, demanded of them the full tale of brick ; for 



20 Ethan Allen, 

a time he opposed God Almighty; but was at last 
luckily drowned in the Red Sea; at which event, 
with other good Christians, I rejoiced, and even 
exulted at the overthrow of the base and wicked 
tyrant. But after a few years of maturity and ex- 
amination of the history of that monarch given 
by Moses, with the before recited remarks of the 
apostle, I conceived a more favorable opinion of 
him; inasmuch as we are told that God raised 
him up and hardened his heart, and predestinated 
his reign, his wickedness, and his overthrow. 

In 1782 he says: 

In the circle of my acquaintance (which has not 
been small) , I have generally been denominated a 
Deist, the reality of which I never disputed; be- 
ing conscious I am no Christian, except mere 
infant baptism makes me one ; and as to being a 
Deist, I know not, strictly speaking, whether I am 
one or not, for I have never read their writings. 

We are told that Allen in his early life was 
very intimate with Dr. Thomas Young, the 
man who supplied the state with its name, 
" Vermont, " in April, i jjj^ and who so strongly 
encouraged it to assert its independence. One 
of the most noted characteristics of Ethan, his 
fondness for the society of able men, is illus- 
trated in his association with Young. 

Dr.Young,who wasa distinguished citizen of 



Early Life and Habits. 21 

Philadelphia, was on most of the Whig commit- 
tees in Boston, before the Revolution, with 
James Otis, Samuel Adams, Joseph Warren, 
and others. He and Adams addressed the 
great public meeting on the day " when Boston 
harbor was black with unexpected tea." He 
was a neighbor of Allen, living in the Oblong, 
in Dutchess County, while Allen lived in Salis- 
bury. Afterward he lived in Albany, and died 
in Philadelphia in the third year of Allen's 
captivity. He was influential in causing Ver- 
mont to adopt the constitution of Pennsylvania. 
The Oblong, Salisbury and vicinity, abound- 
ed in freethinkers. Young and Allen opposed 
President Edwards* famous theological tenets, 
the latter spending much time in Young's 
house, and it was generally understood that they 
were preparing for publication a book in support 
of sceptical principles ; the two agreeing that 
the one that outlived the other should publish 
it. Allen, on going to Vermont, left his manu- 
scripts with Young, and on his release from 
captivity after Young's death obtained from 
the latter 's family, who had gone back to 
Dutchess County, both his own and Young's 
manuscripts, and these were the originals of 
his "Oracles of Reason." 



CHAPTER III. 

REMOVAL TO VERMONT. — THE NEW HAMPSHIRE 
GRANTS. 

Allen came to Vermont, probably, in 1769, 
a year memorable for the founding of Dart- 
mouth College and for the birth of four of 
earth's renowned men: two soldiers, Welling- 
ton and Napoleon; two scholars, Cuvier and 
Humboldt. 

In the early history of Vermont, one of its 
prominent judges speculated extensively in 
Green Mountain wild lands. The aggregate 
result of these speculations was disastrous. 
Attending a session of the legislature, the 
judge was called upon by a committee for his 
advice in reference to suitable penalties for 
some crime. He replied, advising for the first 
offence a fine; for the second, imprisonment; 
and if the criminal should prove such a har- 
dened offender, such a veteran in vice as to be 
guilty the third time, he recommended that 

the scoundrel should be compelled to receive 

22 



Removal to Vermont. 23 

a deed of a mile square of wild Vermont lands. 
Speculation in wild lands is a feature of pioneer 
society. Vermont was once the agricultural 
Eldorado of New England. Emigration first 
rolled northward. Since that time a certain 
star, erroneously supposed to belong to Bishop 
Berkeley, has been travelling westward. 

In 1749 Benning Wentworth, Governor of 
New Hampshire, issued a patent of a township, 
six miles square, near the northwest angle of 
Massachusetts and corresponding with its line 
northward, and in this township of Benning- 
ton the Aliens bought lands and made their 
home. This grant caused a remonstrance from 
the governor and council of New York. Sim- 
ilar remonstrances had been made in the cases 
of Connecticut and Massachusetts, each of 
whom claimed that their territory extended 
to the Connecticut River. But that question 
had been settled in the former cases between 
New York and New England by agreeing upon 
aline from the southwest corner of Connecticut 
northerly to Lake Champlain as the boundary 
between the provinces. Wentworth urged in 
justification of his course that the boundary line 
was well known, and that New Hampshire had 
the same right as the other colonies of New 



24 Ethan Allen. 

England, and he persevered in his own course. 
In 1754 fourteen new townships had been 
granted, when the French war broke out and 
the settlers were deterred from occupying 
their lands by the incursions of the French 
and Indians on the frontier and the uncer- 
tainty of the termination of the contest ; but 
when Canada was reduced by the English and 
peace concluded, there was a new rush for the 
possession of the fertile lands by the hardy 
and adventurous sons of the old New Eng- 
land colonies. In four years Governor Went- 
worth granted one hundred and thirty-eight 
townships, and the territory included was 
called the New Hampshire Grants. Then 
began in bitter earnest the long controversy 
between New York and New Hampshire for 
the ownership of all the territory now known 
as Vermont. 

In order to make clear the circumstances of 
the time when Ethan Allen came to the front, 
it is necessary to explain something of the 
origin of the strife. The New York claim was 
founded on a charter given by Charles II. to 
his brother, the Duke of York, in 1664, for 
the country lying between the Connecticut and 
Delaware rivers. But that charter had long 



Removal to Vermont. 25 

been considered as practically a nullity, for 
when the Duke of York succeeded to the 
throne of England, it all became public prop- 
erty subject to the king's divisions; and 
there are strong reasons for believing that the 
mention of the Connecticut was merely a 
formality, not intended as a definite boundary, 
and that the design was to take in the whole 
of the New Netherlands. The geography of 
the country was little known, and the word- 
ing of the charter was ambiguous and vague. 
Allen at once espoused the cause of the set- 
tlers. But for him the State of Vermont would 
probably have never existed. But for Allen, 
Albany, not Montpelier, might have been the 
capital of Vermont. Allen's most illustrious 
achievement for the benefit of the nation was 
the capture of Ticonderoga. His great work 
for Vermont was successful resistance to the 
Yorkers. 

Before entering upon this period of litiga- 
tion, one of the stories of Allen, illustrating 
his honesty, may fitly find a place. Having 
given a note which he was unable to pay 
when it became due, he was sued. Allen em- 
ployed a lawyer to attend to his case and post- 
pone payment. But the lawyer could not- 



26 Ethan Allen, 

prevent the rendering a judgment against 
Allen at the first term of court, unless he filed 
a plea alleging some real or fictitious ground 
of defence. Accordingly, quite innocently he 
put in the usual plea denying that Allen signed 
the note. The effect of this was to continue 
the case to the next term of court, exactly 
what Allen wanted ; but Allen was present and 
was indignant that he should be made to ap- 
pear to sanction a falsehood. He rose in 
court and vehemently denounced his lawyer, 
telling him that he did not employ him to tell 
a lie ; he did sign that note ; he wanted to pay 
it ; he only wanted time ! 

It was in June, 1770, that Allen first be- 
came prominent in Vermont public affairs. 
Then it was that the lawsuits brought by 
Yorkers for Vermont lands were tried before 
the Supreme Court at Albany. Robert R. 
Livingston was the presiding judge ; Kempe 
and Duane, attorneys for plaintiffs; Silves- 
ter, of Albany, and Jared Ingersoll, of New 
Haven, attorneys for defendants. Ethan 
Allen was active in preparing the defence. 
But of what avail was defence when the court 
was virtually an adverse party to the suit? 
Not only did Duane claim 50,000 acres of 



Removal to Vermont, 2/ 

Vermont lands, but, to the disgrace of Eng- 
lish jurisprudence, Livingston, the presiding 
judge, was interested directly or indirectly in 
30,000 acres. The farce was soon played out; 
the court refused to hear the New Hampshire 
charter read; one trial was sufficient; the 
plaintiffs won all the cases. Duane and others 
called on Allen and reminded him that " might 
makes right," advising him to go home and 
counsel compromise. Allen observed: "The 
gods of the valleys are not the gods of the 
hills! " Duane asked for an explanation, and 
Allen replied : " If you will come to Ben- 
nington the meaning shall be made clear to 
you." 

Allen went home and no compromise was 
thought of. The great seal of New Hamp- 
shire being disregarded, the " Beech Seal " was 
invented as a substitute. A military organ- 
ization was formed with several companies, 
Seth Warner, Remember Baker, and others as 
captains, and Ethan Allen as colonel. 

In July, 1 77 1, on the farm of James Breaken- 
ridge, in Bennington, the State of Vermont was 
born. Ten Eyck, the sheriff, with 300 men, in- 
cluding mayor, aldermen, lawyers, and others, 
issued forth from Albany, as did De Soto to 



28 Ethan Allen, 

capture Florida, as Don Quixote essayed to 
conquer the windmills. Breakenridge's family 
were wisely absent. In his house were eighteen 
armed men provided with a red flag to run up 
the chimney as a signal for aid. The house 
was barricaded and provided with loop-holes. 
On the woody ridge north were loo armed 
men, their heads and the muzzles of their 
guns barely visible amid the foliage. To the 
southeast, in plain sight, was a smaller body 
of men within gunshot of the house. Six 
or seven guarded the bridge half a mile to the 
west. Mayor Cuyler and a few others were al- 
lowed to cross the bridge and a parley ensued. 
The mayor returned to the bridge, and in half 
an hour the sheriff was notified that posses- 
sion would be kept at all hazards. He ordered 
the posse to advance, and a small portion re- 
luctantly complied. Another parley followed, 
while lawyer Yates expounded New York law 
and the Vermonters justified their position. 
The sheriff seized an axe, and going toward 
the door, threatened to break it open. In an in- 
stant an array of guns was aimed at him ; he 
stopped, retired to the bridge, and ordered the 
posse to advance five miles into Bennington. 
But the Yorkers stampeded for home, and the 



Removal to Vermont, 29 

bubble burst. The "star that never sets" had 
begun to glimmer upon the horizon. 

In the winter of 1771-72 Governor Tryon, of 
New York, issued proclamations heavy with 
ponderous logic and shotted with offers of 
money for the arrest of Allen and others. To 
the arguments Allen replied through a news- 
paper, the Connecticut Courant, of Hartford. 
To the premium for his arrest he returned a 
Roland for an Oliver in the following placard : 

£2^ Reward. — Whereas James Duane and John 
Kempe, of New York, have by their menaces and 
threats greatly disturbed the public peace and re- 
pose of the honest peasants of Bennington and the 
settlements to the northward, which are now and 
ever have been in the peace of God and the King, 
and are patriotic and liege subjects of Geo. the 3d. 
Any person that will apprehend those common dis- 
turbers, viz : James Duane and John Kempe, and 
bring them to Landlord Fay's, at Bennington, 
shall have £1^ reward for James Duane and £^io 
reward for John Kempe, paid by 

Ethan Allen. 
Dated Poultney, Remember Baker. 

Feb,5, 1772. Robert Cochran. 

Duane and Kempe were prominent lawyers 
of New York, and also prominent as advocates 
of New York's claim to Vermont lands. Duane 



30 Ethan Allen. 

was the son-in-law of Robert Livingston and 
Kempe was attorney-general. The idea of 
their being kidnapped for exhibition at a log 
tavern in the wilderness was slightly grotesque. 
But this did not satisfy Allen. He would fain 
visit the enemy in one of his strongholds. 

Albany was emphatically a Dutch city, for 
it was two centuries old before it had 10,000 
inhabitants. In 1772 it might have had half 
that number. While the country was flooded 
with proclamations for his arrest, Allen rode 
alone into the city. Slowly passing through 
the streets to the principal hotel he dismounted, 
entered the bar-room, and called for a bowl 
of punch. The news circulated; the Dutch 
rallied; the crowd centred at the hotel; the 
officers of the court, the valiant sheriff. Ten 
Eyck, and the attorney-general were present. 
Allen raised the punch-bowl, bowed courteously 
to the crowd, swallowed the beverage, returned 
to the street, remounted his horse, rose in his 
stirrups and shouted " Hurrah for the Green 
Mountains ! " and then leisurely rode away un- 
harmed and unmolested. The incident illus- 
trates Allen's shrewd courage, and sustains 
Governor Hall's theory that the people of New 
York sympathized more with the Green Moun- 



Removal to Verniont. 31 

tain Boys than with their own land-gambling 
officers. 

At the Green Mountain tavern in Benning- 
ton was a sign-post, with a sign twenty-five 
feet from the ground. Over the sign was the 
stuffed skin of a catamount with large teeth 
grinning toward New York. A Dutchman of 
Arlington who had been active against the 
Green Mountain Boys was punished by being 
tied in an arm-chair, hoisted to this sign, and 
there suspended for two hours, to the amuse- 
ment of the juvenile population and the quiet 
gratification of their seniors. 



CHAPTER IV. 

ALLEN AND THE GREEN MOUNTAIN BOYS. NEGOTI- 
ATIONS BETWEEN THE NEW YORK AND THE 
NEW HAMPSHIRE GRANTS. 

During the six years preceding the Revolu- 
tion, Allen was the most prominent leader of 
the Green Mountain Boys in all matters of 
peace, and also in political writing. When 
the Manchester Convention, October 21, 1772, 
sent James Breakenridge, of Bennington, and 
Jehiel Hawley, of Arlington, as delegates to 
England, perhaps Allen could not be spared, 
for if any New York document needed answer- 
ing Allen answered it ; if any handbill, proc- 
lamation or counter-statement, or political or 
legal argument was to be written, Allen wrote 
it ; if New England was to be informed of the 
Yorkers' rascalities, Allen sent the info-rmation 
to the Connecticut Coiirant and Portsmouth 
Gazette.N^xvcioriX. having no newspaper. Rare- 
ly was force or threat used or a rough joke 
played on a Yorker, but Allen was first in the 

32 



Allen and the Green Mountain Boys. 33 

fray. In Bennington County Allen with others 
told a Yorker that they had "that morningf 
resolved to offer a burnt sacrifice to the gods 
of the woods in burning the logs of his house." 
They did burn the logs and the rafters, and 
told him to go and complain to his " scoundrel 
governor." 

Of all the towns of Western Vermont, 
Clarendon had been most noted for its Tories 
and its Yorkers. Settled as early as 1768, its 
settlers founded their claims to land titles on 
grants from three different powers: Colonel 
Lydius, New York, and New Hampshire. The 
New York patent of Socialborough, covering 
Rutland and Pittsford substantially, was dated 
April 3,1771, and issued by Governor Dunmore. 
The New York patent of Durham, dated Jan- 
uary 7, 1772, issued by Governor Tryon, cov- 
ered Clarendon. Both were in direct violation 
of the royal order in council, July, 1767, and 
therefore illegal and void. The new county 
of Charlotte, created March 12, 1772, extended 
from Canada into Arlington and Sunderland 
and west of Lake George and Lake Champlain. 
Benjamin Spencer, of Durham, was a justice 
and judge of the new county; Jacob Marsh, of 
Socialborough, a justice; and Simeon Jenny, 



34 Ethan Allen, 

who lived near Chippenhook, coroner. These 
three officers were zealous New York partisans. 
The Green Mountain Boys in council passed 
resolutions to the effect that no citizen should 
do any official act under New York authority ; 
that all persons holding Vermont lands should 
hold them under New Hampshire laws, and 
if necessary force should be used to enforce 
these resolves. 

In the early part of the fall of 1773, a large 
force of Green Mountain Boys, under Ethan 
Allen and other leaders, visited Clarendon and 
requested the Yorkers to comply with these 
resolutions, informing them if this were not 
done within a reasonable time the persons of 
the Durhamites would suffer. Justice Spencer 
absconded. No violence was used except on 
one poor innocent dog of the name of Tryon, 
and Governor Tryon was so odious that the dog 
was cut in pieces without benefit of clergy. 
This display of force and the threats that were 
very freely used, it was hoped, would be 
enough to secure submission, but the justices 
still issued writs against the New Hampshire 
settlers; other New York officials acted, and 
all were loud in advocating the New York 
title. 



Allen and the Green Mountain Boys. 35 

A second visit to Durham was made. Satur- 
day, November 20, at 11 p.m., Ethan Allen, 
Remember Baker, and twenty to thirty others 
surrounded Spencer's house, took him prisoner, 
and carried him two miles to the house of one 
Green, v/here he was kept under a guard of 
four men until Monday morning, and then 
taken " to the house of Joseph Smith, of Dur- 
ham, innkeeper." He was asked where he 
preferred to be tried ; he replied that he was 
not guilty of any crime, but if he must be 
tried, he should choose his own door as the 
place of trial. The Green Mountain Boys had 
now increased in number to about one hundred 
and thirty, armed with guns, cutlasses, and other 
weapons. The people of Clarendon, Rutland, 
and Pittsford hearing of the trial, gathered to 
witness the proceedings. A rural lawsuit still 
has a wonderful fascination for a rural populace. 
Allen addressed the crowd, telling them that 
he, with Remember Baker, Seth Warner, and 
Robert Cochran, had been appointed to inspect 
and set things in order ; that " Durham had 
become a hornets' nest" which must be broken 
up. A "judgment seat" was erected ; Allen, 
Warner, Baker, and Cochran took seats thereon 
as judges, and Spencer was ordered to stand 



36 EtJiaii Allen. 

before this tribunal, take off his hat, and listen 
to the accusations. Allen accused him of join- 
ing with New York land jobbers against New 
Hampshire grantees and issuing a warrant as 
a justice. Warner accused him of accepting a 
New York commission as a magistrate, of act- 
ing under it, of writing a letter hostile to 
New Hampshire, of selling land bought of a 
New York grantee, and of trying to induce 
people to submit to New York. He was found 
guilty, his house declared a nuisance, and the 
sentence was pronounced that his house be 
burnt, and that he promise not to act again as a 
New York justice. Spencer declared that if his 
house were burned, his store of dry-goods and 
all his property would be destroyed and his wife 
and children would be great sufferers. There- 
upon the sentence was reconsidered. Warner 
suggested that his house be not destroyed, but 
that the roof be taken off and put on again, 
provided Spencer should acknowledge that it 
was put on under a New Hampshire title and 
should purchase a New Hampshire title. The 
judges so decided. Spencer promised compli- 
ance, and "with great shouting" the roof was 
taken off and replaced, and this pioneer dry- 
goods store of 1773 was preserved. 



Alien and the Green Mountain Boys. 37 

At another time twenty or thirty of Allen's 
party visit the house of Coroner Jenny. The 
house was deserted; Jenny had fled, and they 
burned the house to the ground. The other 
Durhamites were visited and threatened, and 
they agreed to purchase New Hampshire titles. 
Some of the party returning from Clarendon 
met Jacob Marsh in Arlington, on his way from 
New York to Rutland. They seized him and 
put him on trial. Warnei and Baker were the 
accusers. Baker wished to apply the " beech 
seal," but the judges declined. Warner read 
the sentence that he should encourage New 
Hampshire settlers, discourage New York 
settlers, and not act as a New York justice, 
" upon pain of having his house burnt and. re- 
duced to ashes and his person punished at 
their pleasure." He was then dismissed with 
the following certificate : 

Arlington, Nov. 25, a.d. 1773. These may 
sertify that Jacob Marsh haith been examined, and 
had a fare trial, so that our mob shall not meadel 
farther with him as long as he behaves. 
Sertified by us as his judges, to wit, 

Nathaniel Spencer, 
Saml. Tubs, 
Philip Perry. 



38 Ethan Allen. 

On reaching home, Marsh found that the 
roof of his house had been publicly taken off 
by the Green Mountain Boys. 

Spencer in his letter to Duane, April ii, 
1772, wrote: "One Ethan Allen hath brought 
from Connecticut twelve or fifteen of the most 
blackguard fellows he can get, double-armed, 
in order to protect him. " This same Spencer, 
after acting as a Whig and one of the Council 
of Safety, deserted to Burgoyne in 1777, and 
died a few weeks after at Ticonderoga. 

Benjamin Hough, of Clarendon, was a 
troublesome New York justice. His neighbors 
seized him and carried him thirty miles south 
in a sleigh. After three days, January 30, 
1775, he was tried in Sunderland before Allen 
and others. His punishment was two hun- 
dred lashes on the naked back while he was 
tied to a tree. Allen and Warner signed a 
written certificate as a burlesque passport for 
Hough to New York, "he behaving as be- 
Cometh." 

At this time the following open letters from 
the Green Mountain Boys were published : 

An epistle to the inhabitants of Clarendon: 
From Mr. Francis Madison of your town, I under- 



Allen and the Green Mountain Boys, 39 

stand Oliver Colvin of your town has acted the 
infamous part by locating part of the farm of said 
Madison. This, sort of trick I was partly apprised 
of, when I wrote the late letter to Messrs. Spen- 
cer and Marsh. I abhor to put a staff into the 
hands of Colvin or any other rascal to defraud your 
letter. The Hampshire title must, nay shall, be 
had for such settlers as are in quest of it, at a 
reasonable rate, nor shall any villain by a sudden 
purchase impose on the old settlers. I advise said 
Colvin to be flogged for the abuse aforesaid, unless 
he immediately retracts and reforms, and if there 
be further difficulties among you, I advise that 
you employ Capt. Warner as an arbitrator in your 
affairs. I am certain he will do all parties justice. 
Such candor you need in your present situation, 
for I assure you, it is not the design of our mobs 
to betray you into the hands of villainous pur- 
chasers. None but blockheads would purchase 
your farms, and they must be treated as such. If 
this letter does not settle this dispute, yoM had 
better hire Captain Warner to come simply and 
assist you in the settlement of your affairs. My 
business is such that I cannot attend to your mat- 
ters in person, but desire you would inform me, 
by writing or otherwise relative thereto. Captain 
Baker joins with the foregoing, and does me the 
honor to subscribe his name with me. We are, 
gentlemen, your friends to serve. 

Ethan Allen, 
Remember Baker. 



40 Ethan Allen. 

To Mr. Benjamin Spencer and Mr. Amos Mars/i, and 
the people of Clarendon in ge?ieral: 
Gentlemen: — On my return from what you 
called the mob, I was concerned for your welfare, 
fearing that the force of our arms would urge you 
to purchase the New Hampshire title at an un- 
reasonable rate, tho' at the same time I know not 
but after the force is withdrawn, 5^ou will want a 
third army. However, on proviso, you incline to 
purchase the title aforesaid, it is my opinion, that 
you in justice ought to have it at a reasonable rate, 
as new lands were valued at the time you pur- 
chased them. This, with sundry other arguments 
in your behalf, I laid before Captain Jehiel Haw- 
ley and other respectable gentlemen of that place 
(Arlington) and by their advice and concurrence, 
I write you this friendly epistle unto which they 
subscribe their names with me, that we are dis- 
posed to assist you in purchasing reasonably as 
aforesaid; and on condition Colonel Willard, or 
any other person demand an exorbitant price for 
your lands we scorn it, and will assist you in 
mobbing such avaricious persons, for we mean to 
use force against oppression, and that only. Be it 
in New York, Willard, or any person, it is injuri- 
ous to the rights of the district. 

From yours to serve. Ethan Allen, 

Jehiel Hawley, 
Daniel Castle, 
Gideon Hawley, 
Reuben Hawley, 
Abel Hawley. 



Allen and the Green Mountain Boys. 41 

The convention had decreed that no officer 
from New York should attempt to take any 
person out of its territory, on penalty of a 
severe punishment, and it forbade any sur- 
veyor to run lines through the lands or inspect 
them with that purpose. This edict enlarged 
the powers of the military commanders, and it 
was their duty to search out such offenders. 
The Committees of Safety which were chosen 
were entrusted with powers for regulating 
local affairs, and the conventions of delegates 
representing the people, which assembled from 
time to time, adopted measures tending to har- 
mony and concentration of effort. 

May 19, 1772 (the year in which occurred 
Poland's first dismemberment). Governor Try- 
on wrote to Bennington and vicinity, inviting 
the citizens to send delegates to him and ex- 
plain the causes of their opposition to New 
York rule. Could anything be fairer or more 
politic and wise? He promised safety to any 
and all sent, except four of their leaders, Allen, 
Warner, Cochran, and Sevil, and suggested 
sending their pastor, J.Dewey, and Mr. Fay. 
Dewey answered on June 5 : 

We, his Majesty's leal and loyal subjects of 
the Province of New York. . . . First, We hold 
4 



42 Ethan Allen, 

fee of our land by grants of George 11. , and 
George III., the lands reputed then in New Hamp- 
shire. Since 1764, New York has granted the 
same land as though the fee of the land and prop- 
erty was altered with jurisdiction, which we 
suppose was not. . . . Suits of law for our lands 
rejecting our proof of title, refusing time to 
get our evidence are the grounds of our discon- 
tent. . . . Breaking houses for possession of them 
and their owners, firing on these people and 
wounding innocent women and children. . . . 
We must closely adhere to the maintaining bur 
property with a due submission to Your Ex- 
cellency's jurisdiction. . . . We pray and be- 
seech Your Excellency would assist to quiet us 
in our possessions, till his Majesty in his royal 
wisdom shall be graciously pleased to settle the 
controversy. 

Allen, not being allowed to go to New York, 
wrote to Tryon in conjunction with Warner, 
Baker, and Cochran, stating the case as follows : 

No consideration whatever, shall induce us to 
remit in the least of our loyalty and gratitude to 
our most Gracious Sovereign, and reasonably to 
you ; yet no tyranny shall deter us from asserting 
and vindicating our rights and privileges as Eng- 
lishmen. We expect an answer to our humble 
petition, delivered you soon after you became 
Governor, but in vain. We assent to your juris- 
diction, because it is the King's will, and always 



Allen and the Green Mountain Boys. ^ 13 

have, except where perverse use would deprive us 
of our property and country. We desire and peti- 
tion to be reannexed to New Hampshire. That is 
not the principal cause we object to, but we think 
change made by fraud, unconstitutional exercise of 
it. The New York patentees got judgments, took 
out writs, and actually dispossessed several by 
order of law, of their houses and farms and necessa- 
ries. These families spent their fortunes in bring- 
ing wilderness into fruitful fields, gardens and 
orchards. Over fifteen hundred families ejected, 
if five and one-quarter persons are allowed to 
each family. . . . The writs of ejectment come 
thicker and faster. . . . Nobody can be sup- 
posed under law if law does not protect. . . . 
Since our misfortune of being annexed to New 
York, law is a tool to cheat us. . . . Fatigued 
in settling a wilderness country. ... As our 
cause is before the King, we do not expect you to 
determine it. . . . If we don't oppose Sheriff, 
he takes our houses and farms. If we do, we are 
indicted rioters. If our friends help us, they are 
indicted rioters. As to refugees, self-preservation 
necessitated our treating some of them roughly. 
Ebenezer Cowle and Jonathan Wheat, of Shafts- 
bury, fled to New York, because of their own 
guilt, they not being hurt nor threatened. John 
Munro, Esq., and rufhans, assaulting Baker at day- 
break, March 22, was a notorious riot, cutting, 
wounding and maiming Mr. Baker, his wife and 
children. As Baker is alive he has no cause of 
complaint. Later he (Munro) assaulted Warner 



44 Ethan Allen. 

who, with a dull cutlass, struck him on the head 
to the ground. As laws are made by our enemies, 
we could not bring Munro to justice otherwise 
than by mimicing him, and treating him as he did 
Baker, and so forth. Bliss Willoughby, feigning 
business, went to Baker's house and reported to 
Munro, thus instigating and planning the attack. 
. . . The alteration of jurisdiction in 1764 could 
not affect private property. . . . The transfer- 
ring or alienation of property is a sacred preroga- 
tive of the true owner. Kings and Governors 
cannot intermeddle therewith. . . . We have a 
petition lying before his Majesty and Council for 
redress of our grievances for several years past. 
In Moore's time, the King forbid New York to 
patent any lands before granted by New Hamp- 
shire. This a supercedeas of Common Law. 
King notifying New York he takes cognizance 
and will settle and forbids New York to meddle : 
common sense teaches a common law, judgment 
after that, if it prevailed, would be subversive of 
royal authority. So all officers coming to dispos- 
sess are violaters of law. Right and wrong are 
externally the same. We are not opposing you 
and your Government, but a party chiefly at- 
torneys. We hear you applied to assembly for 
armed force to subdue us in vain. We choose 
Captain Stephen Fay and Mr. Jonas Fay, to treat 
with you in person. We entreat your aid to quiet 
us in our farms till the King decides it* 

* This letter, like others, is given verbatim, despite some evi- 
dent errors of phraseology. 



Allen and the Green Mountain Boys. 45 

The embassy was successful. The council 
advised that all legal processes against Ver- 
mont should cease. If Bennington was happy 
in May over the invitation, Bennington was ju- 
bilant in August over the kindly advice. The 
air rang with shouts ; the health of governor 
and council was drunk and cannon and small- 
arms were heard everywhere. No part of New 
York colony was happier or more devotedly 
British. Two years had passed since the New 
York Supreme Court had adjudged all the Ver- 
mont legal documents null and void : one year 
had passed since New York had sent a sheriff 
and posse with hundreds of citizens to force 
Vermont farmers from their farms, but both 
of these affairs occurred under Governor Clin- 
ton. Now perhaps, the Vermonters thought, 
the new governor was going to act fairly : there 
would be no more fights ; no more watching and 
guarding against midnight attacks ; no more 
need of fire-arms ; and wives and babes would 
be safe. There would be no more kidnapping 
of Green Mountain Boys and hurrying them 
away to Albany jail ; no more foreign survey- 
ing of the lands they tilled and loved. 



CHAPTER V. 

THE RAID UPON COLONEL REID's SETTLERS. ALLEN's 

OUTLAWRY. CREAN BRUSH. PHILIP SKENE. 

But "best laid schemes of mice and men 
gang aft agley." While these negotiations 
were pending, New Yorkers were quietly do- 
ing the necessary work for stealing more Ver- 
mont lands. Cockburn, the Scotch New York 
surveyor, was surveying land along Otter 
Creek. The Green Mountain Boys heard of 
it, rallied, and overtook him near Vergennes, 
and found Colonel Reid's Scotchmen enjoy- 
ing mills and farms. For three years these 
foreigners had been there. In 1769, with no 
legal title, they had found, seized, and enjoyed 
the land, with a mill. Vermonters had then 
rallied and dispossessed these dispossessors, 
but a second raid of Reid's men redispos- 
sessed them. In the summer of 1772, Ver- 
mont, seizing Cockburn, turned out Reid's 
tenants, broke up mill-stones and threw them 
over the falls, razed houses, and burned crops. 

46 



TJie Raid upon Colonel Reid' s Settlers. 47 

The Scotcb. story is as follows : John Cam- 
eron made affidavit that he and some other 
families from Scotland arrived at New York 
m the latter part of June, and a few days after- 
ward agreed with Lieutenant-Colonel Reid to 
settle as tenants on his lands on Otter Creek, 
in Charlotte County. Reid went with them 
to Otter Creek, some miles east from Crown 
Point, and was at considerable expense in 
transporting them, their wives, children, and 
baggage. The day after their arrival at Otter 
Creek they were viewing the land, where they 
saw a crop of Indian corn, wheat, and garden 
stuff, and a stack of hay and two New England 
men. Reid paid these tivo men $15 for their 
crops, the men agreeing to leave until the 
king's pleasure should be known. Reid made 
over these crops to his new tenants, gave 
them possession of the land in presence of two 
justices of the peace of Charlotte County, and 
bought some provisions and cows for his 
tenants. On or about the nth of August, 
armed men from different parts of the country 
came and turned James Henderson and others 
out of their homes, burnt the houses to the 
ground, and for two days pastured fifty horses 
which they had brought with them in a field of 



48 Ethan Allen, 

corn which Reid had bought. They also burnt 
a large stack of hay, purchased by Reid. 
The next day the rioters, headed by their cap- 
tains, Allen, Baker, and Warner, came to 
Cameron's house, destroyed the new grist-mill, 
built by Reid (Baker insisting upon it) , broke 
the mill-stones in pieces and threw them down 
a precipice into the river. The rioters then 
turned out Cameron's wife and two small 
children, and burnt the house, having in the 
two days burnt five houses, two corn shades, 
and one stack of hay. When Cameron, much 
incensed, asked by what authority of law they 
committed such violences. Baker replied that 
they lived out of the bounds of law, and hold- 
ing up his gun said that was his law. He 
further declared that they were resolved never 
to allow any persons claiming under New York 
to settle in that part of the province, but if 
Cameron would join them, they would give 
him lands for nothing. This offer Cameron 
rejected . While the rioters were destroying his 
house and mill on the Crown Point (west) side 
of Otter Creek, he heard six men ordered to 
go with arms and stand as sentinels on a rising 
ground toward Crown Point, to prevent any 
surprise from the troops in the garrison there. 



The Raid upon Colonel Reid's Settlers. 49 

Having destroyed Cameron's house and the 
mill, the rioters recrossed the river. Cameron 
reports that he saw among the rioters Joshua 
Hide, who had agreed in writing with Reid 
not to return, and had received payment for 
his crop. Hide was very active in advising 
the destruction of Cameron's house and the 
mill. 

Cameron stayed about three weeks at Otter 
Creek, after the rioters dispersed, hoping to 
hear from Reid, and hoping also that New 
York would protect him and his fellow-settlers, 
but having no house, and being exposed to the 
night air, the fever and ague soon compelled 
him to retire. Some of his companions went 
before, the rest were to follow. What became 
of his wife and children he does not state. 
Cameron stayed one night at the house of a 
Mr. Irwin, on the east shore of the lake, five 
miles north of Crown Point. Irwin, an elderly 
man, holding a New Hampshire title, told 
Cameron that Reid had a narrow escape, for 
Baker with eight men had laid in wait for him 
a whole day, near the mouth of Otter Creek, 
determined to murder him, and the men in the 
boat with him, on their way back to Crown 
Point, so that none might remain to tell tales. 



50 Ethan Allen. 

Fortunately Reid had left the day before. Ir- 
win disapproved of such bloody intentions, and 
said if his land was confirmed to a Yorker, he 
would either buy the Yorker's title or move 
off. 

James Henderson, settler under Colonel 
Reid, deposed that on Wednesday, August 1 1, 
he and three others of Colonel Reid's settlers 
were at work at their hay in the meadow, 
when twenty men, armed with guns, swords, 
and pistols, surprised them. They inquired 
if Henderson and his companions lived in the 
house some time before occupied by Joshua 
Hide. They replied no, the men who lived 
in that house were about their business. The 
rioters then told Henderson and his compan- 
ions that they must go along with them (as they 
could not understand the women) , and marched 
them prisoners, guarded before and behind 
like criminals, to the house, where they joined 
the rest of the mob, in number about one hun- 
dred or more, all armed as before, and who, 
as Henderson was told by the women, had let 
their horses loose in the corn and wheat that 
Reid had bought for his settlers. The mob 
desired the things to be taken out of the 
house, and then set the house on fire. Ethan 



The Raid upon Colonel Reid ' s Settlers. 5 i 

Allen, the ringleader or captain, then ordered 
part of his gang to go with Henderson to his 
own house (formerly built and occupied by 
Captain Gray) in order to prepare it for the 
same fate. Henderson and his wife earnestly 
requested the mob to spare their house for a 
few days, in order to save their effects and 
protect their children from the inclemency 
of the weather, until they could have an op- 
portunity of removing themselves to some 
safe place ; but Captain Allen, coming up from 
the fore-mentioned house, told them that his 
business required haste ; for he and his gang 
were determined not to leave a house belong- 
ing to Colonel Reid standing. Then the mob 
set fire to and entirely consumed Henderson's 
house. Henderson took out his memorandum 
book and desired to know their ringleader's 
or captain's name. The captain answered: 
"Who gave you authority to ask for my 
name?" Henderson replied that as he took 
him to be the ringleader of the mob, and as he 
had in such a riotous and unlawful manner 
dispossessed him, he had a right to ask his 
name, that he might represent him to Colonel 
Reid, who had put him, Henderson, in peace- 
able possession of the premises as his just 



52 Ethan Allen, 

property. Allen answered, he wished they 
had caught Colonel Reid ; they would have 
whipped him severely; that his name was 
Ethan Allen, captain of that mob, and that 
his authority was his own arms, pointing to 
his gun ; that he and his companions were a 
lawless mob, their law being mob law. Hen- 
derson replied that the law was made for law- 
less and riotous people, and that he must know 
it was death by the law to ringleaders of 
rioters and lawless mobs. Allen answered 
that he had run these woods in the same man- 
ner these seven years past [this would carry 
it back to the year 1766, when Zadoc Thomp- 
son says Allen's family was living in Sheffield] 
and never was caught yet ; and he told Hen- 
derson that if any of Colonel Reid's settlers 
offered hereafter to build any house and keep 
possession, the Green Mountain Boys, as they 
call themselves, would burn their houses and 
whip them into the bargain. The mob then 
burnt the house formerly built and occupied 
by Lewis Stewart, and remained that night 
about Leonard's house. The next day, about 
seven a.m., August 12, Henderson went to 
Leonard's house. The mob were all drawn 
up, consulting about destroying the mill. 



The Raid upon Colonel Reid's Settlers, 53 

Those who were in favor of it were ordered 
to follow Captain Allen. In the mean time 
Baker and his gang came to the opposite side 
of the river and fired their guns. They were 
brought over at once, and while they were 
taking som.e refreshment, Allen's party 
marched to the mill, but did not break up 
any part of it until Allen joined them. The 
two mobs having joined (by their own ac- 
count one hundred and fifty in number) , with 
axes, crow-bars, and handspikes tore the mill 
to pieces, broke the mill-stones and threw them 
into the creek. Baker came out of the mill 
with the bolt-cloth in his hands. With his 
sword he cut it in pieces and distributed it 
among the mob to wear in their hats like cock- 
ades, as trophies of the victory. Henderson 
told Baker he was about very disagreeable 
work. Baker replied it was so, but he had a 
commission for so doing, and showed Hen- 
derson where his thumb had been cut off, 
which he called his commission. 

Angus McBean, settler under Colonel Reid, 
deposed that between seven and eight a.m., 
Thursday, August 12 last, he met a part of 
the New England mob about Leonard's house, 
sixty men or thereabouts, he supposed, armed 



54 Ethan Alien, 

■with guns, swords, and pistols. One of them 
asked Angus if he were one of Colonel Reid's 
new settlers, and having been told he was, 
asked him what he intended to do. McBean 
replied he intended to build himself a house 
and keep possession of the land. He was then 
asked if he intended to keep possession for 
Colonel Reid. He replied yes, as long as he 
could. Soon after their chief leader, Allen, 
came and asked him if he was the man that 
said he would keep possession for Colonel Reid. 
McBean said yes. Allen then damned his 
soul, but he would have him, McBean, tied to 
a tree and skinned alive, if he ever attempted 
such a thing. Allen and several of the mob 
said, if they could but catch Colonel Reid, 
they would cut his head off. Joshua Hide, 
one of the persons of whom Colonel Reid 
bought the crop, advised the mob to tear down 
or burn the houses of Donald Mcintosh and 
John Burdan, as they both had been assisting 
Colonel Reid. Soon after several guns were 
fired on the other side of the creek. Some of 
the mob said that was Captain Baker and his 
party coming to see the sport. Soon Baker 
and his party joined the mob, and all went to 
tear down the grist-mill. McBean thought 



The Raid upon Colonel Reid's Settlers. 55 

Baker was one of the first that entered the 
mill. 

However strong our indignation at the New 
York usurpations, we cannot read of the vio- 
lent ejectment of families without a feeling of 
repugnance to such a method. Turn to the 
vivid and romantic account of Colonel Reid's 
settlement in "The Tory's Daughter, " and re- 
member that in civil strife the innocent must 
often suffer. The Green Mountain Boys' im- 
munity from the penalty. of the law for their 
riotous acts shows not only their adroitness, 
but suggests half-heartedness in their pursuit. 
Laws not supported by public sentiment are 
rarely enforced. 

John Munroe wrote to Duane during the 
Clarendon proceedings : 

The rioters have a great many friends in the 
county of Albany, and particularly in the city of 
Albany, which encourages them in their wicked- 
ness, at the same time hold offices under the Gov- 
ernment, and pretend to be much against them, 
but at heart I know them to be otherwise, for the 
rioters have often told me, that be it known to me, 
that they had more friends in Albany than I had, 
which I believe to be true. 

Hugh Munro lived near the west line of 



56 Ethan Allen. 

Shaftsbury. He took Surveyor Campbell to 
survey land in Rupert for him. He was seized 
by Cochran, who said he was a son of Robin 
Hood, and beaten. Ira Allen says Munro 
fainted from whipping by bush twigs. Munro 
had not a savory reputation with the Vermont- 
ers. After Tryon's offer of a reward for the 
arrest of Allen, Baker, and Cochran, he, with 
ten or twelve other men, had seized Baker, 
who lived ten or twelve miles from him, a 
mile east of Arlington. After a march of six- 
teen miles, they were met by ten Bennington 
men, who arrested Munro and Constable Ste- 
vens, the rest of the party fleeing. Later War- 
ner and one man rode to Munro 's and asked 
for Baker's gun. Munro refused, and seizing 
Warner's bridle ordered the constable to ar- 
rest Warner, who drew his cutlass and felled 
Munro to the ground. For this act of War- 
ner's, Poultney voted him one hundred acres 
of land April 4, 1773. 

In 1774 Allen published a pamphlet of over 
two hundred pages, in which he rehearsed 
many historical facts tending to show that 
previous to the royal order of 1764, New 
York had no claim to extend easterly to the 
Connecticut River. He portrayed in strong 



The Raid upon Colonel Reid's Settlers. 57 

light the oppressive conduct of New York 
toward the settlers. This pamphlet also con- 
tained the answer of himself and of his asso- 
ciates to the Act of Outlawry of March, 1774. 
Another man was busy this year drawing up 
reports of the trouble in Vermont. 

Crean Brush, the first Vermont lawyer, was 
a colonel, a native of Dublin. In 1762 he 
came to New York and became assistant secre- 
tary of the colony; in 1771-74 he practised 
law in Westminster, Vt. He claimed thou- 
sands of Vermont acres under New York titles, 
and became county clerk, surrogate, and pro- 
vincial member of Congress. He was in Bos- 
ton jail nineteen months for plundering Boston 
whigs, and finally escaped in his wife's dress. 
The British commander in New York told 
him his conduct merited more punishment. 
A Yorker, always fighting the Green Moun- 
tain Boys ; a tory, always fighting the whigs ; 
with fair culture and talent, he became a sot, 
and, at the age of fifty-three, in 1778, he blew 
his brains out, in New York City. He left a 
step-daughter who became the second wife of 
Ethan Allen. 

On February 5, 1774, Brush reported to the 
New York Legislature resolutions to the effect 
5 



58 Ethan Allen, 

"that riotousness exists in part of Charlotte 
County and northeast Albany County, calling 
for redress ; that a Bennington mob has ter- 
rorized officers, rescued debtors, assumed mili- 
tary command and judicial power, burned 
houses, beat citizens, expelled thousands, 
stopped the administration of justice; that 
anti-rioters are in danger in person and prop- 
erty and need protection. Wherefore the 
Governor is petitioned to offer fifty pounds 
reward for the apprehension and lodgment in 
Albany jail of Ethan Allen, Seth Warner, Re- 
member Baker, Robert Cochran, Peleg Sun- 
derland, Silvanus Brown, James Breakenridge, 
and John Smith, either or any of them." It 
was ordered that Brush and Colonel Ten Eyck 
report a bill for the suppression of riotous and 
disorderly proceedings. Captain Delaney and 
Mr. Walton were appointed to present the ad- 
dress and resolutions to the governor. 

A committee met March i, 1774, at Eliakim 
Weller's house in Manchester, adjourning to 
the third Wednesday at Captain Jehial Haw- 
ley's in Arlington. Nathan Clark was chair- 
man of the committee and Jonas Clark clerk. 
The New York Mercury, No. 1,163, with the 
foregoing report in it, was produced and read. 



The Raid upon Colonel Reid's Settlers. 59 

Seven of the committee were chosen to exam- 
ine it and prepare a report, which was adopted 
and ordered published in the public papers. 
They speak of their misfortune in being an- 
nexed to New York, and hope that the king 
will adopt the report of the Board of Trade, 
made December 3, 1772. In consequence, 
hundreds of settled families, many of them 
comparatively wealthy, resolved to defend the 
outlawed men. All were ready at a minute's 
warning. They resolved to act on the defen- 
sive only, and to encourage the execution of law 
in civil cases and in real criminal cases. They 
advised the General Assembly to wait for the 
king's decision. The committee declared that 
they were all loyal to their political father ; but 
that as they bought of the first governor ap- 
pointed by the king, on the faith of the crown, 
they will maintain those grants; that New 
York has acted contrary to the spirit of the 
good laws of Great Britain. This declaration 
was certified by the chairman and clerk, at 
Bennington, April 14, 1774. 

It was in 1 774 that a new plan was formed 
for escaping from the government of New 
York ; a plan that startles us by its audacity and 
its comprehensiveness. This was to establish 



6o Ethan Allen, 

a new royal colony extending from the Con- 
necticut to Lake Ontario and the St. Lawrence, 
from forty-five degrees of north latitude to 
Massachusetts and the Mohawk River. The 
plan was formed by Allen and other Vermont- 
ers. At that time Colonel Philip Skene, a re- 
tired British officer, was living at Whitehall 
on a large patent of land. To him the Ver- 
monters communicated the project. White- 
hall was to be the capital and Skene the gov- 
ernor of the projected colony. Skene, at his 
own expense, went to London, and was ap- 
pointed governor of Ticonderoga and Crown 
Point, but the course of public events pre- 
vented the completion of this scheme. 



CHAPTER VI. 

PREPARATIONS TO CAPTURE TICONDEROGA. — DIARY 
OF EDWARD MOTT, — EXPEDITIONS PLANNED. — 
BENEDICT ARNOLD. GERSHOM BEACH. 

On Marcli 29, 1775, John Brown, a Mas- 
sachusetts lawyer, wrote from Montreal to Bos- 
ton: 

The people on the New Hampshire Grants have 
engaged to seize the fort at Ticonderoga as soon 
as possible, should hostilities be committed by the 
king's troops. 

The most minute account of the prepara- 
tions to capture Ticonderoga is furnished by 
the diary for April, 1775, of Edward Mott, of 
Preston, Conn., a captain in Colonel S. H. 
Parson's regiment. He had been at the camp 
of the American army beleaguering Boston ; 
took charge of the expedition to seize Ticon- 
deroga; reported its success to Governor 
Trumbull at Hartford; was sent by Trum- 
bull to Congress at Philadelphia with the 
news ; resumed the command of his company 

61 



62 Ethan Allen. 

at Ticonderoga in May ; was with the North- 
ern army during the campaign; was at the 
taking of Chambly and St. Johns ; and became 
a major in Colonel Gray's regiment next year. 

Preston, Friday, April 28, 1775. 
Set out for Hartford, where I arrived the same 
day. Saw Christopher Leffingwell, who inquired 
of me about the situation of the people at Boston. 
When I had given him an account, he asked me 
how they could be relieved and where I thought 
we could get artillery and stores. I told him I 
knew not unless we went and took possession of 
Ticonderoga and Crown Point, which I thought 
might be done by surprise with a small number of 
men. Mr. Leffingwell left me and in a short time 
came to me again, and brought with him Samuel 
H. Parsons and Silas Deane, Esqrs. When he 
asked me if I would undertake in such an ex- 
pedition as we had talked of before, I told him I 
would. They told me they wished I had been 
there one day sooner ; that they had been on such 
a plan ; and that they had sent off Messrs. Noah 
Phelps and Bernard Romans, whom they had sup- 
plied with ;£'3oo in cash from the treasury, and 
ordered them to draw for more if they should need ; 
that said Phelps and Romans had gone by the way 
of Salisbury, where they would make a stop. They 
expected a small number of men would join them, 
and if I would go after them they would give me 
an order or letter to them to join with them and 



Preparations to Capture Ticonderoga, 63 

to have my voice with them in conducting the 
affair and in laying out the money ; and also that 
I might take five or six men with me. On which 
I took with me Mr. Jeremiah Halsey, Mr. Epaphras 
Bull, Mr. Wm. Nichols, Mr. Elijah Babcock, and 
John Bigelow joined me; and Saturday, the 29th 
of April, in the afternoon, we set out on said ex- 
pedition. Mr. Babcock tired his horse. We got 
another horse of Esq. Humphrey in Norfolk, and 
that day arrived at Salisbury; tarried all night, 
and the next day, having augmented our company 
to the number of sixteen in the whole, we con- 
cluded it was not best to add any more, as we meant 
to keep our business a secret and ride through 
the country unarmed till we came to the New 
Settlements on the Grants. We arrived at Mr. 
Dewey's in Sheffield, and there we sent off Mr. 
Jer. Halsey and Capt. John Stevens to go to Al- 
bany, in order to discover the temper of the people 
in that place, and to return and inform us as soon 
as possible. 

That night (Monday the ist of May) we arrived 
at Col. Easton's in Pittsfield, where we fell in com- 
pany with John Brown, Esq., who had been at 
Canada and Ticonderoga about a month before ; on 
which we concluded to make known our business 
to Col. Easton and said Brown and to take their 
advice on the same. I was advised by Messrs. 
Deane, Leffingwell, and Parsons not to raise our 
men till we came to the New Hampshire Grants, 
lest we should be discovered by having too long a 



64 Ethan Allen. 

march through the country. But when we ad- 
vised with the said Easton and Brown they advised 
us that, as there was a great scarcity of provisions 
in the Grants, and as the people were generally 
poor, it would be difficult to get a sufficient num- 
ber of men there ; therefore we had better raise a 
number of men sooner. Said Easton and Brown 
concluded to go with us, and Easton said he would 
assist me in raising some men in his regiment. 
We then concluded for me to go with Col. Easton 
to Jericho and Williamstown to raise men, and 
the rest of us to go forward to Bennington and 
see if they could purchase provisions there. 

We raised twenty-four men in Jericho and fif- 
teen in Williamstown ; got them equipped ready 
to march. Then Col. Easton and I set out for Ben- 
nington. That evening we met with an express 
for our people informing us that they had seen a 
man directly from Ticonderoga and he informed 
them that they were re-enforced at Ticonderoga, 
and were repairing the garrison, and were every 
way on their guard ; therefore it was best for us 
to dismiss the men we had raised and proceed no 
further, as we should not succeed. I asked who 
the man was, where he belonged, and where he 
was going, but could get no account ; on which I 
ordered that the men should not be dismissed, but 
that we should proceed. The next day I arrived 
at Bennington. There overtook our people, all 
but Mr. Noah Phelps and Mr. Heacock, who were 
gone forward to reconnoitre the fort: and Mr. 



Preparations to Capture Ticonderoga, 65 

Halsey and Mr, Stevens had not got back from 
Albany. 

The following account of expenses incurred 
on this expedition is amusing, pitiful, and in- 
teresting, as evidence of the small beginnings 
of the Revolution, and as compared with the 
machinery of transportation and the wealth of 
the nation in its Civil War : 

Account of Captain Edward Mott for his ex- 
penses going to Ticonderoga and afterwards 
against the Colony of Connecticut: 

£ s. d. 

April 26th. — To expenses from Preston 

to Hartford o 5 o 

Expenses at Hartford while consult- 
ing what plan to take, or where it 
would be best to raise the men. ... o 15 o 

April 30th. — To expenses of six men at 
New Hartford on our way to New 
Hampshire Grants to raise men 

($3) o 18 o 

May I St. — To expenses at Norfolk 

($2.50) o 15 o 

To expenses at Shaftsbury o 7 8 

To expenses in Jericho while raising 

men i o 5 

To expenses of marching men from 

Jericho to Williamstown i 4 o 



66 Ethan Allen. 

£ s. d. 

May I St. — To expenses at Allentown . . 068 

To expenses at Massachusetts 2 4 6 

" Newport o 16 o 

" Pawlet I 3 3 

" Castleton i 6 o 

To cash to a teamster for carting 

provisions o 6 o 

To cash to Captain Noah Phelps £^\ 

and to Elijah Babcock ^6 7 o o 

To cash to Colonel Ethan Allen's 

wife 3 o o 

To a horse cost me jr^2o in cash 
{^(id.dd)^ which I wore out in 
riding to raise the men and going 
to Ticonderoga, so that I was 
obliged to leave her and get an- 
other horse to ride back to Hart- 
ford 20 o o 

To my expenses from Ticonderoga 
back to Hartford after we had 
taken the fort 2 o o 

To my time or wages while going on 
said service, and going from Hart- 
ford to Philadelphia to report to 
Congress by Governor Trumbull's 
orders, being between thirty and 
forty days, much of the time day 
and night 20 o o 



Preparations to Capture Ticonderoga. 6y 

The 3d of May, 1775, is an eventful day. 
Four scenes interest us. At Albany there is 
hesitation. Halsey and Stevens have been 
there to obtain permission for the Ticon- 
deroga expedition. The Albany committee- 
men are alarmed, for the proposition seems to 
be hazardous. What will the New York Con- 
gress think of it? Will the next Continental 
Congress, to meet seven days hence, approve 
of it? The committee write to the New York 
Congress for instructions, suggesting that if 
New York goes in for the invasion it will 
plunge northern New York into all the hor- 
rors of war. 

A second scene is at Cambridge. The Com- 
mittee of Safety, without waiting for permis- 
sion from New York, decided to act. They 
issue a commission to Arnold without consult- 
ing the Massachusetts Congress, and authorize 
him to raise four hundred men in western 
Massachusetts and near colonies for the cap- 
ture of Ticonderoga and Crown Point; they 
give him money and authority to seize and 
send military stores to Massachusetts. We 
can imagine Arnold quickly in the saddle, for 
the enterprise suits his genius. 

Benedict Arnold was now thirty-five years 



68 Ethan Allen, 

old; educated in the common schools, ap- 
prenticed as a druggist, fond of mischief, 
cruel, irritable, reckless of his reputation, 
ambitious and uncontrollable. As a boy he 
loved to maim young birds, placed broken 
glass where school-children would cut their 
feet, and enticed them with presents and then 
rushed out and horsewhipped them. He 
would cling to the arms of a large water-wheel 
at the grist-mill and thus pass beneath and 
above the water. When sixteen years of age 
he enlisted as a soldier, was released ; enlisted 
again, was at Ticonderoga and other frontier 
forts ; deserted ; served out his apprenticeship, 
became a druggist and general merchant in 
New Haven ; shipped horses, cattle, and pro- 
visions to the West Indies, commanded his 
own vessels, fought a duel with a Frenchman 
in the West Indies, became a bankrupt, and 
was suspected of dishonesty. Fertile in re- 
source, he resumed business with energy but 
with the same obliquity of moral purpose. 

With sixty volunteers, a few of them Yale 
students, marching from New Haven to Cam- 
bridge, he had an interview with Colonel 
Samuel H, Parsons near Hartford the 27th of 
April, and told him about the cannon and am- 



Preparations to Capttire Ticonderoga, 69 

munition at Ticonderoga and the defenceless 
condition of that fort. Such was the man who 
endeavored to wrest the command of the ex- 
pedition from Allen. 

But the grandest scene of all on that 3d of 
May is the assemblage in Bennington, per- 
haps in the old Catamount Tavern of Stephen 
Fay. Allen, Warner, Robinson, Dr. Jonas Fay, 
Joseph Fay, Breakenridge are there with fifteen 
Connecticut men and thirty-nine Massachusetts 
men. Easton's Massachusetts men outnum- 
ber Warner's recruits, and Warner ranks third 
instead of second. No one dreams of any one 
but Allen for the leader. Easton is also com- 
plimented by being made chairman of the 
council. Allen with his usual energy takes 
the initiative and leaves the party to raise 
more men. He has been gone but a short 
time when Benedict Arnold arrives on horse- 
back with one attendant at the hamlet and 
camp of Castle ton. He sees Nott and other 
officers. They frankly communicate to him all 
their plans, and are in turn astounded by 
Arnold's claiming the right to take command 
of their whole force. He shows them his com- 
mission from the Committee of Safety in Cam- 
bridge, Mass. This paper gave authority to 



70 Ethan Allen, 

enlist men, but no more power over these men 
than any other American volunteers. Arnold 's 
temper brooked no opposition. There is al- 
most a mutiny among the men. They would 
go home, abandon the whole expedition which 
had so enkindled their enthusiasm, rather than 
be subject to Arnold. Whether this was 
owing to his domineering temper as exhibited 
before them, to his reputation in Connecticut 
as an unprincipled man, or entirely to their 
regard for their own officers and aversion 
to others, we can only conjecture. Tuesday 
morning this wrangling is resumed. Again 
the soldiers threaten to club their guns and 
go home. When told that they should be paid 
the same, although Arnold did command them, 
they would " damn" their pay. But Arnold sud- 
denly started to leave this company and over- 
take Allen. The soldiers, knowing Allen's 
good-nature, as suddenly leave Castleton and 
follow Arnold to prevent his overpersuading 
Allen to yield to his arrogance. 

When this stampede occurred, Nott and 
Phelps with Herrick were with the thirty 
men on the march to Skenesborough. They 
left the Remington camp at Castleton, and 
had gone nearly to Hydeville. The stampede 



Preparations to Capture Ticonderoga. 71 

left all the provisions at Castleton, so that 
''Nqtt and Phelps were obliged to return to 
Castleton, gather up the provisions, and follow 
the main party to Ticonderoga. They arrived 
in Shoreham too late to take part in the cap- 
ture, but crossed the lake with Warner. This 
incident deprives us of the benefit of Nott's 
journal account of the capture itself, a loss to 
be deplored. Some time Tuesday, somewhere 
between Castleton and the lake, Allen and 
Arnold met, and the scene occurred which has 
been so often and so well told in romance and 
history. 

Within three weeks after the world-renowned 
19th of April, 1775, Ethan stood in Castleton 
with an old friend by his side, Gershom Beach, 
of Rutland, a whig blacksmith, intelligent, 
capable, and true. Besides some sixty Mas- 
sachusetts and Connecticut allies, Allen is sur- 
rounded by from one to two hundred Green 
Mountain Boys. More men were wanted, and 
Beach was selected from the willing and eager 
crowd to go, like Roderick Dhu's messenger 
with the Cross of Fire, o'er hill and dale, 
across brook and swamp, from Castleton to 
Rutland, Pittsford, Brandon, Middlebury, and 
Shoreham. The distance was sixty miles, the 



72 Ethan Allen, 

time allowed twenty-four hours, the rallying- 
point a ravine at Hand's Point, Shoreham. 
Paul Revere rode on a good steed, over good 
roads, on a moonlight night, in a few hours. 
Gershom Beach went on foot, crossed Otter 
Creek twice, forded West Creek, East Creek, 
Furnace Brook, Neshobe River, Leicester 
River, Middlebury River, and walked through 
forests choked with underbrush, but at the end 
of the day allotted the men were warned and 
were hastening to the rendezvous. Then and 
not till then Beach threw himself on the 
ground and gave himself up to well-earned 
sleep. Let us give this hero his full meed 
of praise. After a few hours' rest he fol- 
lowed the men whom he had aroused and 
joined Allen. 



CHAPTER VII. 

CAPTURE OF TICONDEROGA. 

In the gray of the morning, Wednesday, 
May lo, 1775, Ethan Allen with eighty-three 
Green Mountain Boys crossed the lake. He 
frankly told his followers of the danger, but 
every gun was poised to dare that danger. Soon 
three huzzas rang out on the parade-ground of 
the sleeping fort. The English captain, De 
Laplace, not knowing that his nation had an 
enemy on this continent, asked innocently by 
what authority his surrender was demanded. 
Need I repeat the answer? No words in the 
language are more familiar than Allen's reply. 
The British colors were trailed before a power 
that had no national flag for more than two 
years afterward. A few hours later, that same 
day, the second session of the Continental Con- 
gress began at Philadelphia, the members all 
unaware and soon in part disapproving of this 
exploit, of Allen's. The graphic account by 
6 73 



74 Ethan Allen, 

the hero's own, pen is more life-like than that 
of any historian : 

The first systematical and bloody attempt at 
Lexington to enslave America thoroughly elec- 
trified my mind, and fully determined me to take 
part with my country. And while I was wishing 
for an opportunity to signalize myself in its be- 
half, directions were privately sent to me from the 
then colony of Connecticut to raise the Green 
Mountain Boys, and if possible with them to sur- 
prise and take the fortress of Ticonderoga. This 
enterprise I cheerfully undertook ; and after first 
guarding all the passes that led thither, to cut off 
all intelligence between the garrison and the coun- 
try, made a forced march from Bennington and ar- . 
rived at the lake opposite to Ticonderoga on the 
evening of the ninth day of May, 1775, with two 
hundred and thirty valiant Green Mountain Boys. 

It was with the utmost difficulty that I procured 
boats to cross the lake. However, I landed eighty- 
three men near the garrison, and sent the boats 
back for the rear guard, commanded by Col. Seth 
Warner, but the day began to dawn and I found 
myself under a necessity to attack the fort before 
the rear could cross the lake, and, as it was viewed 
hazardous, I harangued the officers and soldiers 
in the following manner : 

" Friends and fellow-soldiers, you have for a 
number of years past been a scourge and terror to 
arbitrary power. Your valor has been famed 



Capture of Ticonderoga, 75 

abroad and acknowledged, as appears by the ad- 
vice and orders to me from the General Assembly 
of Connecticut to surprise and take the garrison 
now before us. I now propose to advance before 
you, and in person conduct you through the wicket- 
gate ; for we must this morning either quit our 
pretensions to valor or possess ourselves of this 
fortress in a few minutes ; and inasmuch as it is 
a desperate attempt which none but the bravest 
of men dare undertake, I do not urge it on any con- 
trary to his will. You that will undertake volun- 
tarily, poise your firelocks. " 

The men being at this time drawn up in three 
ranks, each poised his firelock. I ordered them to 
face to the right, and at the head of the centre file 
marched them immediately to the wicket-gate 
aforesaid, where I found a sentry posted who in- 
stantly snapped his fusee at me. I ran imme- 
diately toward him, and he retreated through the 
covered way into the parade within the garrison, 
gave a halloo, and ran under a bomb-proof. My 
party who followed me into the fort I formed on 
the parade in such a manner as to face the two bar- 
racks, which faced each other. The garrison being 
asleep, except the sentries, we gave three huzzas, 
which greatly surprised them. One of the sentries 
made a pass at one of my officers with a charge 
bayonet, and slightly wounded him. My first 
thought was to kill him with my sword, but in an 
instant I altered the design and fury of the blow 
to a slight cut on the side of the head; upon which 



76 Ethan Allen, 

he dropped his gun and asked quarter, which I 
readily granted him, and demanded of him the 
place where the commanding officer kept. 

He showed me a pair of stairs in front of the 
barrack, on the west part of the garrison, which 
led up to a second story in said barrack, to which 
I immediately repaired, and ordered the com- 
mander. Captain De la Place, to come forth in- 
stantly, or I would sacrifice the whole garrison; 
at which the captain came immediately to the 
door with his breeches in his hand, when I ordered 
him to deliver me the fort instantly ; he asked me 
by what authority I demanded it ; I answered him, 
In the name of the great Jehovah and the Conti- 
nental Congress. The authority of the Congress 
being very little known at that time, he began to 
speak again, but I interrupted him, and with my 
drawn sword over his head again demanded an 
immediate surrender of the garrison : with which 
he then complied and ordered his men to be forth- 
with paraded without arms, as he had given up 
the garrison. 

In the mean time some of my officers had given 
orders, and in consequence thereof sundry of the 
barrack doors were beaten down, and about one- 
third of the garrison imprisoned, which consisted 
of the said commander, a Lieut. Feltham, a con- 
ducter of artillery, a gunner, two sergeants, and 
forty-four rank and file : about one hundred pieces 
of cannon,, one thirteen-inch mortar, and a number 
of swords. 



Capture of Ticonderoga, yj 

^ This surprise was carried into execution in the 
gray of the morning of the tenth day of May, 1775. 
The sun seemed to rise that morning with a su- 
perior lustre : and Ticonderoga and its dependen- 
cies smiled on its conquerors, who tossed about 
the flowing bowl, and wished success to Congress, 
and the liberty and freedom of America. Happy 
it was for me at that time, that the then future 
pages of the book of fate, which afterwards un- 
folded a miserable scene of two years and eight 
months' imprisonment, were hid from my view. 
But to return to my narrative. Col. Warner, with 
the rear guard, crossed the lake and joined me 
earl}^ in the morning, whom I sent off without loss 
of time with about one hundred men to take pos- 
session of Crown Point, which was garrisoned with 
a sergeant and twelve men ; which he took posses- 
sion of the same day, as also of upwards of one 
hundred pieces of cannon. 

The soldierly qualities exhibited by Allen 
in the expedition seem to have been, first, 
reticence or concealment of purpose from the 
enemy ; second, power of commanding enthusi- 
astic obedience from his men ; third, adaptation 
of means to object; fourth, alacrity; and, fifth, 
courage. Success gave a brilliant eclat to this 
effort, which time has only served to render 
more brilliant. 

The following letters written by Allen fur- 



78 Ethan Allen, 

nish lis with additional information which 
makes the whole affair stand out vividly for 
nineteenth-century readers : 

TicoNDEROGA, May nth, 1775. 
To the Massachusetts Congress. 

Gentlemen : — I have to inform you with pleasure 
unfelt before, that on break of day of the loth of 
May, 1775, by the order of the General Assembly 
of the Colony of Connecticut, I took the fortress of 
Ticonderoga by storm. The soldiery was com- 
posed of about one hundred Green Mountain Boys 
and near fifty veteran soldiers from the Province 
of the Massachusetts Bay. The latter was under 
the command of Col. James Easton, who behaved 
with great zeal and fortitude not only in coun- 
cil, but in the assault. The soldiery behaved 
with such resistless fury, that they so terrified the 
King's Troops that they durst not fire on their as- 
sailants, and our soldiery was agreeably disap- 
pointed. The soldiery behaved with uncommon 
rancour when they leaped into the Fort: and it 
must be confessed that the Colonel has greatly 
contributed to the taking of that Fortress, as well 
as John Brown, Esq. Attorney at Law, who was 
also an able counsellor, and was personally in the 
attack. I expect the Colonies will maintain this 
Fort. As to the cannon and warlike stores, I hope 
they may serve the cause of liberty instead of 
tyranny, and I humbly implore your assistance in 
immediately assisting the Government of Connect- 



Capture of Ticonderoga, 79 

icut in establishing a garrison in the reduced 
premises. Col. Easton will inform you at large. 
From, gentlemen, your most obedient servant, 

Ethan Allen. 

Ticonderoga, May 12th, 1775. 

To the Honorable Congress of the Province of the 
Massachusetts Bay or Council of War. 
Honorable Sirs: — I make you a present of a 
major, a captain, and two lieutenants in the reg- 
ular establishment for George the Third. I hope 
they may serve as ransomes for some of our friends 
at Boston, and particularly for Captain Brown of 
Rhode Island. A party of men under the com- 
mand of Capt. Herrick has took possession of 
Skenesborough, imprisoned Major Skene, and 
seized a schooner of his. I expect in ten days 
time to have it rigged, manned, and armed with 
six or eight pieces of cannon, which, with the 
boats in our possession, I purpose to make an at- 
tack on the armed sloop of George the Third which 
is now cruising on Lake Champlain, and is about 
twice as big as the schooner. I hope in a short 
time to be authorized to acquaint your Honor that 
Lake Champlain and the fortifications thereon are 
subjected to the Colonies. The enterprise has 
been approbated by the officers and soldiery of 
the Green Mountain Boys, nor do I hesitate as to 
the success. I expect lives must be lost m the 
attack, as the commander of George's sloop is a 
man of courage, etc. I conclude Capt. Warner 



8o Ethan Allen, 

is by this time in possession of Crown Point, the 
ordnance, stores, etc. I conclude Governor Carle- 
ton will exert himself to oppose us, and com- 
mand the Lake, etc. Messrs. Hickok, Halsey 
and Nichols have the charge of conducting the 
officers to Hartford. These gentlemen have been 
very assiduous and active in the late expedition. 
I depend upon your Honor's aid and assistance 
in a situation so contiguous to Canada. I sub- 
scribe myself your Honor's ever faithful, most 
obedient and humble servant, 

Ethan Allen, 
At present Commander of Ticonderoga. 

To the Honorable Jonathan Trumbull, Esq., Capt. Gen- 
eral and Governor of the Colony of Connecticut. 



CHAPTER VIII. 



TO THE NEW YORK PROVINCIAL CONGRESS, AND 
TO THE MASSACHUSETTS CONGRESS. 

The Continental Congress, affected by sin- 
ister influences, favored the removal of the 
stores and cannon of Ticonderoga to the south 
end of Lake George. Allen wrote to Congress 
a vigorous remonstrance. Massachusetts, New 
Hampshire, and Connecticut protested, and the 
project was abandoned. On May 29th, 1775, 
from Crown Point, Allen addressed the Cort- 
tinental Congress as follows : 

An abstract of the action of Congress has just 
come to hand : and though it approves of the tak- 
ing the fortress on Lake Champlain and the artil- 
lery, etc. , I am, nevertheless, much surprised that 
your Honors should recommend it to us to remove 
the artillery to the south end of Lake George, and 
there to make a stand ; the consequences of which 
must ruin the frontier settlements, which are ex- 
tended at least one hundred miles to the northward 
from that place. Probably your Honors were not 

81 



82 Ethan Allen. 

informed of those settlements, which consist of 
several thousand families who are seated on that 
tract of country called the New Hampshire Grants, 
Those inhabitants, by making those valuable ac- 
quisitions for the Colonies, have incensed Gov- 
ernor Carleton and all the ministerial party in 
Canada against them ; and provided they should, 
after all their good service in behalf of their coun- 
try, be neglected and left exposed, they will be of 
all men the most consummately miserable. . . . 
If the King's troops be again in possession of 
Ticonderoga and Crown Point and command the 
Lake, the Indians and Canadians will be much more 
inclined to join with them and make incursions 
into the heart of our country. But the Colonies 
are now in possession and actual command of the 
Lake, having taken the armed sloop from George 
the Third, which was cruising in the Lake, also 
seized a schooner belonging to Major Skene at 
South Bay, and have armed and manned them 
both. . . . The Canadians (all except the noblesse) 
and also the Indians appear at present to be very 
friendly to us ; and it is my humble opinion that 
the more vigorous the Colonies push the war 
against the King's troops in Canada, the more 
friends we shall find in that country. Provided I 
had but 500 men with meat St. John's (i8th May) 
when we took the King's sloop, I would have ad- 
vanced to Montreal. Nothing strengthens our 
friends in Canada equal to our prosperity in taking 
the sovereignty of Lake Champlain, and should 



Allen's Letters, 83 

the Colonies forthwith send an army of two or 
three thousand men and attack Montreal, we should 
have little to fear from the Canadians or Indians, 
and should easily make a conquest of that place, 
and set up the standard of liberty in the extensive 
province of Quebec, whose limit was enlarged 
purely to subvert the liberties of America, Strik- 
ing such a blow would intimidate the Tory party 
in Canada, the same as the commencement of the 
war at Boston intimidated the Tories in the Colo- 
nies. They are a set of gentlemen that will not be 
converted by reason, but are easily wrought upon 
by fear. 

By a council of war held on board the sloop the 
27th instant, it was agreed to advance to the Point 
Auf ere with the sloop and schooner, and a number 
of armed boats well manned, and there make a 
stand, act on the defensive, and by all means com- 
mand the Lake and defend the frontiers. Point 
Aufere is about six miles this side of forty-five 
degrees north latitude, but if the wisdom of the 
Continental Congress should view the proposed 
invasion of the King's troops in Canada as prema- 
ture or impolitic, nevertheless, I humbly conceive, 
when your Honors come to the knowledge of the 
before-mentioned facts, you will at least establish 
some advantageous situation toward the northerly 
part of Lake Champlain, as a frontier, instead of 
the south promontory of Lake George. Command- 
ing the northerly part of the Lake, puts it in our 
power to work our policy with the Canadians and 



84 Ethan Allen, 

Indians. We have made considerable proficiency 
this way already. Sundry tribes have been to 
visit ns, and have returned to their tribes to use 
their influence in our favor. We have just sent 
Capt. Abraham Ninham, a Stockbridge Indian, as 
our embassador of peace to the several tribes of 
Indians in Canada. He was accompanied by Mr. 
Winthrop Hoit, who has been a prisoner with the 
Indians and understands their tongue. I do not 
imagine, provided we command Lake Champlain, 
there will be any need of a war with the Canadians 
or Indians. 

On June 2, 1775, Allen addressed the New 
York Provincial Congress: 

The pork forwarded to subsist the army, by your 
Honors* direction, evinces your approbation of 
the procedure ; and as it was a private expedition, 
and common fame reports that there are a number 
of overgrown Tories in the province, your Honors 
will the readier excuse me in not first taking your 
advice in the matter, but the enterprises might 
have been prevented by their treachery. It is 
here reported that some of them have been lately 
savingly converted, and that others have lost their 
influence. If in those achievements there be any- 
thing honorary, the subjects of your government, 
viz., the New Hampshire settlers, are justly en- 
titled to a large share, as they had a great major- 
ity of numbers of the soldiery as well as the 



Allen s Letters. 85 

command in making those acquisitions, and as 
your Honors justify and approve the same. 

I desire and expect your Honors have, or soon 
will lay before the Grand Continental Congress, 
the great disadvantage it must inevitably be to 
the Colonies to evacuate Lake Champlain, and 
give up to the enemies of our country those inval- 
uable acquisitions, the key of either Canada or our 
country, according as which party holds the same 
in possession and makes a proper improvement of 
it. The key is ours as yet, and provided the 
Colonies would suddenly push an army of two or 
three thousand men into Canada, they might make 
a conquest of all that would oppose them in the 
extensive province of Quebec, except a reinforce- 
ment from England should prevent it. Such a 
diversion would weaken General Gage or insure 
us of Canada. 

I wish . to God America would at this critical 
juncture exert herself agreeable to the indignity 
offered her by a tyrannical ministry. She might 
rise on eagle's wings, and mount up to glory, free- 
dom, and immortal honor if she did but know and 
exert her strength. Fame is now hovering over 
her head. A vast continent must now sink to 
slavery, poverty, horror, and bondage, or rise to 
unconquerable freedom, immense wealth, inex- 
pressible felicity, and immortal fame. 

I will lay my life on it, with fifteen hundred 
men and a proper train of artillery I will take 
Montreal. Provided I could be thus furnished and 



86 Ethan Allen, 

if an army could command the field, it would be 
no insuperable difficulty to take Quebec. This 
object should be pursued, though it should take 
ten thousand men to accomplish the end proposed ; 
for England cannot spare but a certain number of 
her troops, anyway, she has but a small number 
that are disciplined [this was months before the 
Hessians and other mercenaries were hired], and 
it is as long as it is broad the more that are sent to 
Quebec, the less they can send to Boston, or any 
other part of the continent. 

Our friends in Canada can never help us until 
we first help them, except in a passive or inactive 
manner. There are now about seven hundred 
regular troops in Canada. I have lately had 
sundry conferences with the Indians; they are 
very friendly. Capt. Abraham Ninham, a Stock- 
bridge Indian, and Mr. Winthrop Hoit, who has 
sundry years lived with the Caughnawgoes in the 
capacity of a prisoner and was made an adopted 
son to a motherly squaw of that tribe, have both 
been gone ten days to treat with the Indians as 
our embassadors of peace and friendship. I ex- 
pect in a few weeks to hear from them. By them 
I sent a friendly letter to the Indians which Mr. 
Hoit can explain to them in Indian. The thing 
that so unites the Indians to us is our taking the 
sovereignty of Lake Champlain. They have wit 
enough to make a good bargain, and stand by the 
strongest side. Much the same may be said of 
the Canadians. 



Allen's Letters, 8/ 

It may be thought that to push an army into 
Canada would be too premature and imprudent. 
If so, I propose to make a stand at the Isle-aux- 
Noix which the French fortified by intrenchment 
the last war, and greatly fatigued our large army 
to take it. It is about fifteen miles this side St. 
John's. Our only having it in our power thus to 
make incursions into Canada, might probably be 
the very reason why it would be unnecessary to 
do so, even if the Canadians should prove more 
refractory than I think for. 

Lastly, with submission I would propose to your 
Honors to raise a small regiment of Rangers, 
which I could easily do, and that mostly in the 
counties of Albany and Charlotte, provided your 
Honors should think it expedient to grant com- 
missions and thus regulate and put the same under 
pay. Probably your Honors may think this an 
impertinent proposal : it is truly the first favor I 
ever asked of the Government, and if it be granted, 
I shall be zealously ambitious to conduct for the 
best good of my country and the honor of the 
Government. 

On June 9th Allen addressed the Massachu- 
setts Congress : 

These armed vessels are at present abundantly 
sufficient to command the Lake. The making 
these acquisitions has greatly attached the Cana- 
dians, and more especially the Indians, to our 
interest. They have no personal prejudice or con- 



88 Ethan Allen, 

troversy with the United Colonies, but act upon 
political principles, and consequently are inclined 
to fall in with the strongest side. At present ours 
has the appearance of it ; as there are at present 
but seven hundred regular troops in all the differ- 
ent parts of Canada. Add to this the consideration 
of the imperious and haughty conduct of the troops, 
which has much alienated the affections of both 
the Canadians and Indians from them. Probably 
there may soon be more troops from England sent 
there, but at present you may rely on it that 
Canada is in a weak and helpless condition. Two 
or three thousand men, conducted by intrepid com- 
manders, would at this juncture make a conquest 
of the ministerial party in Canada with such ad- 
ditional numbers as may be supposed to vie with 
the reinforcements that may be sent from Eng- 
land. Such a plan would make a diversion in 
favor of the Massachusetts Bay, who have been too 
much burdened with the calamity that should be 
more general, as all partake of the salutary effects 
of their valor and merit in the defence of the liber- 
ties of America. I hope, gentlemen, you will use 
your influence in forwarding men, provisions, and 
every article for the army that may be thought 
necessary. Blankets, provisions, and powder are 
scarce. 



CHAPTER IX. 



TO THE INDIANS IN CANADA, AND TO THE 
CANADIANS. JOHN BROWN. 

The letters to the Indians and Canadians 
to whicli Allen has referred show still more 
clearly the vigorous policy and the adroitness 
which Allen displayed in the preparations for 
the invasion of Canada. He wrote to the Mon- 
treal merchants : 

St. John's, May i8th. 

To Mr. Jaines Morrison and the Merchants that are 

friendly to the Cause of Liberty in Montreal. 

Gentlemen: — I have the pleasure to acquaint 

you that Lakes George and Champlain, with the 

fortresses, artillery, etc., particularly the armed 

sloop of George the Third, with all water carriages 

of these lakes, are now in possession of the Colonies. 

I expect the English merchants, as well as all 

virtuous disposed gentlemen, will be in the interest 

of the Colonies. The advanced guard of the army 

is now at St. John's, and desire immediately to 

have a personal intercourse with you. Your im- 

7 89 



go Ethan Allen. 

mediate assistance as to provisions, ammunition, 
and spirituous liquors is wanted and forthwith ex- 
pected, not as a donation, for I am empowered by 
the Colonies to purchase the same; and I desire 
you would forthwith and without further notice 
prepare for the use of the army those articles to 
the amount of five hundred pounds, and deliver 
the same to me at St. John's, or at least a part of it 
almost instantaneously, as the soldiers press on 
faster than provisions. 

I need not inform you that my directions from 
the Colonies are, not to contend with or any way 
injure or molest the Canadians or Indians; but, on 
the other hand, treat them with the greatest 
friendship and kindness. You will be pleased to 
commimicate the same to them, and some of you 
immediately visit me at this place, while others 
are active in delivering the provisions. 

On May 24, 1775, Allen addressed a letter 
to the Indians of Canada: 

Headquarters of the Army, Crown Point. 

By advice of council of the officers, I recommend 
our trusty and well -beloved friend and brother, 
Capt. Abraham Ninham of Stockbridge, as our em- 
bassador of peace to our good brother Indians of 
the four tri\bes, viz., the Hocnaurigoes, the Sur- 
gaches, the Canesadaugaus and the Saint Fransa- 
was. 

Loving brothers and friends, I have to inform 
you that George the Third, King of England, has 



Canadian Letters. 91 

made war with the English Colonies in America, 
who have ever until now been his good subjects, 
and sent his army and killed some of your good 
friends and brothers at Boston, in the Province of 
the Massachusetts Bay. Then your good brothers 
in that Province, and in all the Colonies of Eng- 
lish America, made war with King George and 
have begun to kill the men of his army, and have 
taken Ticonderoga and Crown Point from him, and 
all the artillery, and also a great sloop which was 
at St. Johns, and all the boats in the lake, and 
have raised and are raising two great armies ; one 
is destined for Boston, and the other for the for- 
tresses and department of Lake Champlain, to 
fight the King's troops that oppose the Colonies 
from Canada; and as King George's soldiers killed 
our brothers and friends in a time of peace, I hope, 
as Indians are good and honest men, you will not 
fight for King George against your friends in 
America, as they have done you no wrong, and 
desire to live with you as brothers. You know it 
is good for my warriors and Indians too, to kill the 
Regulars, because they first began to kill our 
brothers in this country without cause. 

I was always a friend to Indians and have 
hunted with them many times, and know how to 
shoot and ambush like Indians, and am a great 
hunter. I want to have your warriors come and 
see me, and help me fight the King's Regular 
troops. You know they stand all along close to- 
gether rank and file, and my men fight so as 



92 Ethan Allen. 

Indians do, and I want your warriors to join with 
me and my warriors like brothers and ambush the 
Regulars: if you will I will give you money, 
blankets, tomahawks, knives, paint, and anything 
there is in the army, just like brothers ; and I will 
go with you into the woods to scout, and my men 
and your men will sleep together and eat and drink 
together, and fight Regulars because they first 
killed our brothers and will fight against us; 
therefore I want our brother Indians to help us 
fight, for I know Indians are good warriors and 
can fight well in the bush. 

Ye know my warriors must fight, but if you, our 
brother Indians, do not fight on either side, we 
will still be friends and brothers ; and you may 
come and hunt in our woods, and come with your 
canoes in the lake, and let us have venison at our 
forts on the lake, and have rum, bread, and what 
you want, and be like brothers. I have sent our 
friend Winthrop Hoit to treat with you on our be- 
half in friendship. You know him, for he has 
lived with you, and is your adopted son, and is a 
good man; Captain Ninham of Stockbridge and 
he will tell you about the whole matter more than 
I can write. I hope your warriors will come and 
see me. So I bid all my brother Indians farewell. 

Ethan Allen, 
Colonel of the Green Mountain Boys. 

Two days after the date of this letter Allen 
sent a copy of it to the Assembly of Connecti- I 



Canadian Letters. 93 

cut, saying: "I thouglit it advisable that the 
Honorable Assembly should be informed of all 
our politicks." 

Allen shows great shrewdness in adapting 
his letters to what he considers the aboriginal 
mind. Addressing the Indians constantly as 
brothers he appeals to their love of bush-fight- 
ing, and as regards the question of barter, to 
their love of rum. By his reiteration he rec- 
ognizes the childish immaturity of the Indian. 
Far differently he addresses the Canadians, to 
whose reason he appeals and whose sense of 
justice he compliments : 

TiCONDEROGA, JtmO 4. 

Countrymen mid Friends^ the French people of Canada^ 
greeti7ig: 

Friends and Fellow-Countrymen: — You are 
undoubtedly more or less acquainted with the 
unnatural and unhappy controversy subsisting 
between Great Britain and her Colonies, the 
particulars of which in this letter we do not ex- 
patiate upon, but refer your considerations of the 
justice and equitableness thereof on the part of 
the Colonies, to the former knowledge that you 
have of this matter. We need only observe that 
the inhabitants of the Colonies view the con- 
troversy on their part to be justifiable in the sight 
of God, and all unprejudiced and honest men that 



94 Ethan Allen. 

have or may have opportunity and ability to ex- 
amine into the merits of it. Upon this principle 
those inhabitants determine to vindicate their 
cause, and maintain their natural and constitu- 
tional rights and liberties at the expense of their 
lives and fortunes, but have not the least disposi- 
tion to injure, molest, or in any way deprive our 
fellow-subjects, the Canadians, of their liberty or 
property. Nor have they any design to urge war 
against them ; and from all intimations that the 
inhabitants of the said Colonies have received 
from the Canadians, it has appeared that they 
were alike disposed for friendship and neutrality, 
and not at all disposed to take part with the King's 
troops in the present civil war against the Colonies. 
We were, nevertheless, surprised to hear that a 
number of about thirty Canadians attacked our 
reconnoitring party consisting of four men, fired 
on them, and pursued them, and obliged them to 
return the fire. This is the account of the party 
that has since arrived at headquarters. We 
desire to know of any gentlemen Canadians the 
facts of the case, as one story is good until another 
is told. Our general order to the soldiery was, 
that they should not, on pain of death, molest or 
kill any of your people. But if it shall appear, 
upon examination, that our reconnoitring party 
commenced hostilities against your people, they 
shall suffer agreeable to the sentence of a court- 
martial ; for our special orders from the Colonies 
are to befriend and protect you if need be ; so that 



Canadian Letters, 95 

if you desire their friendship you are invited to 
embrace it, for nothing can be more undesirable 
to your friends in the Colonies, than a war with 
their fellow-subjects the Canadians, or with the 
Indians. 

Hostilities have already begun; to fight with 
the King's troops has become a necessary and in- 
cumbent duty ; the Colonies cannot avoid it. But 
pray, is it necessary that the Canadians and the 
inhabitants of the English Colonies should butcher 
one another? God forbid! There is no contro- 
versy subsisting between you and them. Pray let 
old England and the Colonies fight it out, and you, 
Canadians, stand by and see what an arm of flesh 
can do. We conclude. Saint Luke, Captain Mc- 
Coy, and other evil-minded persons whose interest 
and inclination is that the Canadians and the peo- 
ple of these Colonies should cut one another's 
throats, have inveigled some of the baser sort of 
your people to attack our said reconnoitring party. 

Allen signed this letter as " At present the 
Principal Commander of the Army." 

A copy of it was sent to Mr. Walker at Mon- 
treal by Mr. Jeff ere. Another copy was sent 
to the New York Provincial Congress. 

John Brown, a young lawyer of Pittsfield, 
Massachusetts, was the cause of Ethan Allen's 
long, terrible captivity. That alone justifies 
our curiosity to know all about him. In March, 



96 Ethan Allen. 

before the war, he made an eventful trip to 
Montreal, going along our borders, crossing 
the lakes, visiting Bennington, engaging two 
pilots, contracting with the foremost men 
there, spending days investigating the status 
of affairs in Canada as to the coming struggle. 
Reporting to his employers, Samuel Adams 
and Dr. Joseph Warren, he says that after 
stopping about a fortnight at Albany he was 
fourteen days journeying to St. John's, under- 
going inconceivable hardships ; the lake very 
high, the country for twenty miles each 
side under water ; the ice breaking loose for 
miles ; two days frozen in to an island ; " we 
were glad to foot it on land;" "there is no 
prospect of Canada sending delegates to the 
Continental Congress." He speaks of his 
pilot, Peleg Sunderland, as "an old Indian 
hunter acquainted with the St. Francis Indians 
and their language." The other pilot was a 
captive many years ago among the Caughnawa- 
ga Indians. This last was Winthrop Hoit, of 
Bennington. These two men were famous for 
their familiarity with Indian ways and speech, 
as well as for general prowess, and their ex- 
ploits in " beech-sealing" the Yorkers. Several 
days Sunderland and Hoit were among the 



Canadian Letters. 97 

Cauglinawagas, studying their manifestations 
of feeling toward the colonists. Brown gave 
letters to Thomas Walker and Blake, and 
pamphlets to four cures in La Prairie. He 
was kindly received by the local committee, 
who told him about Canadian politics, that 
Governor Carleton was no great politician, a 
man of sour, morose temper, and so forth. 
Brown wrote Adams and Warren he should 
not go to Quebec, " as a number of their com- 
mittee are here, "but " I shall tarry here some 
time." "I have established a channel of 
correspondence through the New Hampshire 
Grants which may be depended on." "One 
thing I must mention, to be kept as a profound 
secret. The fort at Ticonderoga must be 
seized as soon as possible should hostilities be 
committed by the King's troops. The people 
on New Hampshire Grants have engaged to do 
this business^ This letter was dated three 
weeks before the Lexington and Concord fights 
electrified the continent. 



CHAPTER X. 

WARNER ELECTED COLONEL OF THE GREEN MOUN- 
TAIN BOYS. — Allen's letter to governor 

TRUMBULL. CORRESPONDENCE IN REGARD TO 

THE INVASION OF CANADA. ATTACK ON MON- 
TREAL. DEFEAT AND CAPTURE. WARNER's 

REPORT. 

On July 27tli committees of towns met at 
Dorset to choose a lieutenant-colonel of the 
regiment, and thus of those Green Mountain 
Boys for whose organization Allen had been 
so active and efficient with both the Continen- 
tal and New York Congresses. Seth Warner 
received forty-one of the forty-six votes cast. 
Deep was Allen's chagrin and mortification, 
as appears in the following letter to Governor 
Trumbull: 

TicoNDEROGA, August 3, I 7 75- 
Honored Sir: — General Schuyler exerts his 
utmost in building boats and making preparations 
for the army to advance, as I suppose, to St. 
John's, etc. We have an insufficient store of pro- 
visions for such an undertaking, though the pro- 

98 



Attack on Montreal, 99 

jection is now universally approved. Provisions 
are hurrying forward, but not so fast as I could 
hope for. General Wooster's corps has not ar- 
rived. I fear there is some treachery among the 
New York Tory party relative to forwarding the 
expedition, though I am confident that the General 
is faithful. No troops from New York, except some 
officers, have arrived, though it is given out that 
they will soon be here. The General tells me 
he does riot want any more troops till more pro- 
visions come to hand, which he is hurrying ; and 
ordered the troops under General Wooster, part 
to be billeted in the mean while at Albany and 
part to mend the road from there to Lake George. 

It is indeed an arduous work to furnish an army 
to prosecute an enterprise. In the interim, I am 
apprehensive, the enemy are forming one against 
us ; witness the sailing of the transports and two 
men of war from Boston, as it is supposed for 
Quebeck. Probably, it appears that the King's 
Troops are discouraged of making incursions into 
the Province of the Massachusetts Bay. Likely 
they will send part of their force to overawe the 
Canadians, and inveigle the Indians into their 
interest. I fear the Colonies have been too slow 
in their resolutions and preparations relative to 
this department; but hope they may still succeed. 

Notwithstanding my zeal and success in my 
country's cause, the old farmers on the New Hamp- 
shire Grants (who do not incline to go to war) 
have met in a committee meeting, and in their 



lOO Ethan Allen. 

nomination of officers for the regiment of Green 
Mountain Boys (who are quickly to be raised) 
have wholly omitted me ; but as the commissions 
will come from the Continental Congress, I hope 
they will remember me, as I desire to remain in 
the service, and remain your Honor's most obe- 
dient and humble servant, 

Ethan Allen. 
To the Hon. Jona. Trumbull, Governor of the Colony of 
Connecticut. 

N. B. — General Schuyler will transmit to your 
Honors a copy of the affidavits of two intelligent 
friends, who have just arrived from Canada. I 
apprehend that what they have delivered is truth. 
I find myself in the favor of the officers of the 
Army and the young Green Mountain Boys. How 
the old men came to reject me I cannot conceive, 
inasmuch as I saved them from the encroach- 
ments of New York. E. A. 

This Jonathan Trumbull, be it remembered, 
was the original " Brother Jonathan." 

Allen's first connection with the campaign 
in Canada is explained in his own narrative : 

Early in the fall of the year, the little army 
under the command of the Generals Schuyler and 
Montgomery were ordered to advance into Can- 
ada. I was at Ticonderoga when this order ar- 
rived; and the General, with most of the field 
officers, requested me to attend them in the ex- 



Attack on Montreal. loi 

pedition ; and though at that time I had no com- 
mission from Congress, yet they engaged me, that 
I should be considered as an officer, the same as 
though I had a commission ; and should, as occa- 
sion might require, command certain detachments 
of the army. This I considered as an honorable 
offer, and did not hesitate to comply with it. 

September 8, 1775, from St. Theresa, James 
Livingston wrote to General Schuyler: 

Your manifestos came to hand, and despatched 
them off to the different Parishes with all possi- 
ble care and expedition. The Canadians are all 
friends, and a spirit of freedom seems to reign 
amongst them. Colonel Allen, Major Brown and 
myself set off this morning with a party of Cana- 
dians with intention to go to your army ; but hear- 
ing of a party of Indians waiting for us the same 
side of the river, we thought it most prudent to 
retire in order, if possible, to raise a more con- 
siderable party of men. We shall drop down the 
River Chambly, as far as my house, where a 
number of Canadians are waiting for us. 

September 10, 1775, at Isle-aux-Noix, Gen- 
eral Schuyler in his orders to Colonel Ritzemd, 
who was going into Canada with five hundred 
men, says: 

Colonel Allen and Major Brown have orders to 
request that provisions may be brought to you, 



102 Ethan Allen » 

which must be punctually paid for, for which 
purpose I have furnished you with the sum of 
;^3i8 IS. lod. in gold. 

September 15, 1775, at Isle-aux-Noix, Gen- 
eral Schuyler received from James Livingston 
a report in which he says : 

Yesterday morning, I sent a party each side of 
the river. Colonel Allen at their head, to take the 
vessels at Sorel, by surprise if possible. Numbers 
of people flock to them, and make no doubt they 
will carry their point. I have cut off the commu- 
nication from Montreal to Chambly. We have 
nothing to fear here at present but a few seign- 
eurs in the country endeavoring to raise forces. 
I hope Colonel Allen's presence will put a stop 
to it. 

September 8, 1775, at Isle-aux-Noix, Schuy- 
ler writes Hancock : 

I hope to hear in a day or two from Colonel 
Allen and Major Brown, who went to deliver my 
declaration. 

This refers to Schuyler's address to the in- 
habitants of Canada, dated Isle-aux-Noix, Sep- 
tember 5, 1775. 

From Isle-aux-Noix, September 14, 1775, 
Ethan Allen reports to General Schuyler ; 



Attack on Montreal. 103 

Set out from Isle-aux-Noix on the Stli instant; 
arrived at Chambly ; found the Canadians in that 
vicinity friendly. They guarded me under arms 
night and day, escorted me through the woods 
as I desired, and showed me every courtesy I 
could wish for. The news of my being in this 
place excited many captains of the Militia and 
respectable gentlemen of the Canadians to visit 
and converse with me, as I gave out I was sent by 
General Schuyler to manifest his friendly inten- 
tions toward them, and delivered the General's 
written manifesto to them to the same purpose. 
I likewise sent a messenger to the chiefs of the 
Caughnawaga Indians, demanding the cause why 
sundry of the Indians had taken up arms against 
the United Colonies ; they had sent two of their 
chiefs to me, who plead that it was contrary to the 
will and orders of their chiefs. The King's troops 
gave them rum and inveigled them to fight agamst 
General Schuyler; that they had sent their run- 
ners and ordered them to depart from St. John's, 
averring their friendship to the Colonies. Mean- 
while the Sachems held a General Council, sent 
two of their Captains and some beads and a wam- 
pum belt as a lasting testimony of their friendship, 
and that they would not take up arms on either 
side. These tokens of friendship were delivered 
to me, agreeable to their ceremony, in a solemn 
manner, in the presence of a large auditory of 
Canadians, who approved of the league and man- 
ifested friendship to the Colonies, and testified 



104 Ethan Allen, 

their good- will on account of the advance of the 
army into Canada. Their fears (as they said) 
were, that our army was too weak to protect them 
against the severity of the English Government, 
as a defeat on our part would expose our friends 
in Canada to it. In this dilemma our friends 
expressed anxiety of mind. It furthermore ap- 
peared to me that many of the Canadians were 
watching the scale of power, whose attraction 
attracted them. In fine, our friends in Canada 
earnestly urged that General Schuyler should im- 
mediately environ St. John's, and that they would 
assist in cutting off the communication between 
St. John's and Chambly, and between these forts 
and Montreal. They furthermore assured me that 
they would help our army to provisions, etc. , and 
that if our army did not make a conquest of the 
King's garrisons, they would be exposed to the 
resentment of the English Government, which 
they dreaded, and consequently the attempt of 
the army into Canada would be to them the great- 
est evil. They further told me that some of the 
inhabitants, that were in their hearts friendly to 
us, would, to extricate themselves, take up arms 
in favor of the Crown ; and therefore, that it was 
of the last importance to them, as well as to us, 
that the army immediately attack St. John's; 
which would cause them to take up arms in our 
favor. Governor Carleton threatens the Canadians 
with fire and sword, except they assist him against 
the Colonies, and the seigneurs urge them to it. 



Attack on Montreal. 105 

They have withstood Carleton and them, and keep 
tinder arms throughout most of their Parishes, and 
are now anxiously watching the scale of power. 
This is the situation of affairs in Canada, accord- 
ing to my most painful discovery. Given under 
my hand, upon honor, this 1 4th day of September, 
1775. Ethan Allen. 

To his Excellency General Schuyler. 

With one more letter from Allen (to General 
Montgomery) we will close his correspondence 
on the invasion of Canada, which he so strongly 
urged, so shrewdly planned, and yet which 
failed from lack of the co-operation of others : 

St. Tours, September 20, 1775. 
Excellent Sir: — I am now in the Parish of St. 
Tours, four leagues to the south ; have two hun- 
dred and fifty Canadians under arms; as I march 
they gather fast. These are the objects of taking 
the vessels in Sorel and General Carleton. These 
objects I pass by to assist the army besieging St. 
John's. If this place be taken the country is ours ; 
if we miscarry in this, all other achievements will 
profit but little. I am fearful our army may be 
too sickly, and that the siege may be hard ; there- 
fore choose to assist in conquering St. John's, 
which, of consequence, conquers the whole. You 
may rely on it that I shall join you in about three 
days, with three hundred or more Canadian volun- 
teers. I could raise one or two thousand in a 
8 



io6 Ethan Allen, 

week's time, but will first visit the army with a 
less number, and if necessary will go again re^ 
cruiting. Those that used to be enemies to our 
cause come cap in hand to me, and I swear by the 
Lord I can raise three times the number of our 
army in Canada, provided you continue the siege ; 
all depends on that. It is the advice of the offi- 
cers with me, that I speedily repair to the army. 
God grant you wisdom, fortitude and every ac- 
complishment of a victorious general; the eyes 
of all America, nay, of Europe, are or will be on 
the economy of this army, and the consequences 
attending it. I am your most obedient humble 
servant, 

Ethan Allen. 

P. S. — I have purchased six hogsheads of rum, 
and sent a sergeant with a small party to deliver 
it at headquarters. Mr. Livingston, and others 
under him, will provide what fresh beef you need ; 
as to bread and flour, I am forwarding what I can. 
You may rely on my utmost attention to this ob- 
ject, as well as raising auxiliaries. I know the 
ground is swampy and bad for raising batteries, 
but pray let no object of obstructions be insur- 
mountable. The glory of a victory, which will be 
attended with such important consequences, will 
crown all our fatigue, risks, and labors ; to fail of 
victory will be an eternal disgrace ; but to obtain 
it will elevate us on the wings of fame. 
Yours, etc., 

Ethan Allen. 



Attack on Montreal. 107 

On September 17th, three and a half months 
after Allen urged the invasion of Canada, 
Montgomery began the siege of St. John's. 
Two or three days later Warner arrived with 
his regiment of Green Mountain Boys. Ar- 
nold, not behind in energy and daring, cap- 
tured a British sloop. 

On September 24th Allen, with about eighty 
men, chiefly Canadians, met Major John Brown, 
with about two hundred Americans and Cana- 
dians, and Brown proposed to attack Montreal. 
It was agreed that Brown should cross the St. 
Lawrence that night above the city, while Allen 
crossed it below. Allen added about thirty 
English-Americans to his force and crossed. 
The cause of Brown's failure to meet him has 
never been explained. Several hundred Eng- 
lish-Canadians and Indians with forty regular 
soldiers attacked Allen, and for two hours he 
bravely and skilfully fought a force several 
times larger than his own. Most of Allen's 
Canadian allies deserted him, and with thirty 
of his men he was finally captured, loaded with 
irons, and transported to England. 

Thus, within five months, Allen, who had 
never before seen a battle or an army, who 
had never been trained as a soldier, becomes 



io8 Ethan Allen, 

famous by the capture of Ticonderoga ; is in- 
fluential in preventing the abandonment of 
Ticonderoga; is foremost in the institution of 
a regiment of Green Mountain Boys ; is re- 
jected by that regiment as its commanding 
officer ; is successful in raising the Canadians ; 
urges Congress to invade Canada; fails from 
lack of support in his attack on Montreal ; in 
five short months, fame, defeat, and bitter 
captivity. 

Warner's announcement to Montgomery is 
as follows: 

La Prairie, September 27, 1775. 
May it please your Honor, I have the disagree- 
able news to write you that Colonel Allen hath 
met a defeat by a stronger force which sallied out 
of the town of Montreal after he had crossed the 
river about a mile below the town. I have no 
certain knowledge as yet whether he is killed, 
taken, or fled ; but his defeat hath put the French 
people into great consternation. They are much 
concerned for fear of a company coming over 
against us. Furthermore the Indian chiefs were 
at Montreal at the time of Allen's battle, and 
there were a number of Caughnawaga Indians in 
the battle against Allen, and the people are very 
fearful of the Indians. There were six in here 
last night, I suppose sent as spies. I asked the 
Indians concerning their appearing against us in 



Attack on Montreal. 109 

every battle ; their answer to me was, that Carleton 
made them drunk and drove them to it ; but they 
said they would do so no more. I should think it 
proper to keep a party at Longueil, and my party 
is not big- enough to divide. If I must tarry here, 
I should be glad of my regiment, for my party is 
made up with different companies in different 
regiments, and my regulation is not as good as I 
could wish, for subordination to your orders is my 
pleasure. I am, sir, with submission, your hum- 
ble servant, Seth Warner. 
To General Montgomery. 

This moment arrived from Colonel Allen's de- 
feat. Captain Duggan with the following intel- 
ligence: Colonel Allen is absolutely taken cap- 
tive to Montreal with a few more, and about two 
or three killed, and about as many wounded. 
The living are not all come in. Something of a 
slaughter made among the King's troops. From 
yours to serve, Seth Warner. 

Schuyler, Montgomery, and Livingston, in 
letters written after the defeat, comment on 
Allen's imprudence in making the attack sin- 
gle-handed, but no mention is made of Browm, 
with whose force Allen expected to be re-en- 
forced, and with whose help the tide of battle 
might have been turned and Canada's future 
might have been entirely changed. 



CHAPTER XI. 

Allen's narrative. — attack on Montreal. — 
defeat and surrender. brutal treat- 
ment. arrival in england. debates in 

parliament. 

The story of Allen's captivity is best told in 
his own vivid narrative as follows : 

On the morning of the 24th day of September 
I set out with my guard of about eighty men, 
from Longueuil, to go to Laprairie, from whence 
I determined to go to General Montgomery's 
camp ; I had not advanced two miles before I met 
with Major Brown, who has since been advanced 
to the rank of a colonel, who desired me to halt, 
saying that he had something of importance to 
communicate to me and my confidants ; upon which 
I halted the party and went into a house, and took 
a private room with him and several of my asso- 
ciates, where Colonel Brown proposed that, pro- 
vided I would return to Longueuil and procure 
some canoes, so as to cross the river St. Lawrence 
a little north of Montreal, he would cross it a little 
to the south of the town, with near two hundred 
men, as he had boats sufficient, and that we could 



Allen's Account of the Surrender. iii 

make ourselves masters of Montreal. This plan 
was readily approved by me and those in council, 
and in consequence of which I returned to Lon- 
gueuil, collected a few canoes, and added about 
thirty English-Americans to my party and crossed 
the river in the night of the 24th, agreeably to the 
proposed plan. 

My whole party at this time consisted of about 
one hundred and ten men, near eighty of whom 
were Canadians. We were most of the night 
crossing the river, as we had so few canoes that 
they had to pass and repass three times to carry 
my party across. Soon after daybreak, I set a 
guard between me and the town, with special or- 
ders to let no person pass or repass them, another 
guard on the other end of the road with like di- 
rections; in the mean time, I reconnoitred the 
best ground to make a defence, expecting Colonel 
Brown's party was landed on the other side of the 
town, he having the day before agreed to give 
three huzzas with his men early in the morning, 
which signal I was to return, that we might each 
know that both parties were landed ; but the sun 
by this time being nearly two hours high, and the 
sign failing, I began to conclude myself to be in 
a praemunire, and would have crossed the river 
back again, but I knew the enemy would have dis- 
covered such an attempt ; and as there could not 
more than one-third part of my troops cross at 
a time, the other two-thirds would of course fall 
into their hands. This I could not reconcile to 



112 Ethan Allen. 

my own feelings as a man, much less as an offi- 
cer ; I therefore concluded to maintain the ground 
if possible and all to fare alike. In consequence 
of this resolution, I dispatched two messengers, 
one to Laprairie to Colonel Brown, and the other 
to L'Assomption, a French settlement, to Mr. 
Walker who was in our interest, requesting their 
speedy assistance, giving them at the same time 
to understand my critical situation. In the mean 
time, sundry persons came to my guards pretend- 
ing to be friends, but were by them taken prisoners 
and brought to me. These I ordered to confine- 
ment until their friendship could be further con- 
firmed; for I was jealous they were spies, as they 
proved to be afterward. One of the principal of 
them making his escape, exposed the weakness of 
my party, which was the final cause of my misfor- 
tune; for I have been since informed that Mr. 
Walker, agreeably to my desire, exerted himself, 
and had raised a considerable number of men for 
my assistance, which brought him into difficulty 
afterward, but upon hearing of my misfortune he 
disbanded them again. 

The town of Montreal was in a great tumult. 
General Carleton and the royal party made every 
preparation to go on board their vessels of force, 
as I was afterward informed, but the spy escaped 
from my guard to the town occasioned an alter- 
ation in their policy and emboldened General 
Carleton to send the force which had there col- 
lected out against me. I had previously chosen 



Aliens Account of the Surrender. 113 

my ground, but when I saw the number of the 
enemy as they sallied out of the town I perceived 
it would be a day of trouble, if not of rebuke ; but 
I had no chance to flee, as Montreal was situated 
on an island and the St. Lawrence cut off my com- 
munication to General Montgomery's camp. I 
encouraged my soldiers to bravely defend them- 
selves, that we should soon have help, and that 
we should be able to keep the ground if no 
more. This and much more I affirmed with the 
greatest seeming assurance, and which in reality 
I thought to be in some degree probable. 

The enemy consisted of not more than forty 
regular troops, together with a mixed multitude, 
chiefly Canadians, with a number of English who 
lived in town, and some Indians; in all to the 
number of five hundred. 

The reader will notice that most of my party 
were Canadians ; indeed, it was a motley parcel of 
soldiery which composed both parties. However, 
the enemy began to attack from wood-piles, ditches, 
buildings, and such like places, at a considerable 
distance, and I returned the fire from a situation 
more than equally advantageous. The attack be- 
gan between two and three o'clock in the after- 
noon, just before which I ordered a volunteer by 
the name of Richard Young, with a detachment 
of nine men as a flank guard, which, under the 
cover of the bank of the river, could not only annoy 
the enemy, but at the same time serve as a flank 
guard to the left of the main body. 



114 Ethan Allen, 

The fire continued for some time on both sides ; 
and I was confident that such a remote method of 
attack could not carry the ground, provided it 
should be continued till night ; but near half the 
body of the enemy began to flank round to my 
right, upon which I ordered a volunteer by the 
name of John Dugan, who had lived many years 
in Canada and understood the French language, to 
detach about fifty Canadians, and post himself at 
an advantageous ditch which was on my right, 
to prevent my being surrounded. He advanced 
with the detachment, but instead of occupying 
the post made his escape, as did likewise Mr. 
Young upon the left, with their detachments. I 
soon perceived that the enemy was in possession 
of the ground which Dugan should have occupied. 
At this time I had but about forty- five men with 
me, some of whom were wounded; the enemy 
kept closing round me, nor was it in my power 
to prevent it ; by which means my situation, which 
was advantageous in the first part of the attack, 
ceased to be so in the last; and being entirely 
surrounded with such vast, unequal numbers, I 
ordered a retreat, but found that those of the en- 
emy who were of the country, and their Indians, 
could rim as fast as my men, though the regulars 
could not. Thus I retreated near a mile, and 
some of the enemy with the savages kept flanking 
me, and others crowded hard in the rear. In fine, 
I expected in a very short time to try the world 
of spirits ; for I was apprehensive that no quarter 



Aliens Account of the Surrender. 115 

would be given to me, and therefore had deter- 
mined to sell my life as dear as I could. One of 
the enemy's officers boldly pressing in the rear, 
discharged his fusee at me ; the ball whistled near 
me, as did many others that day. I returned the 
salute and missed him, as running had put us both 
out of breath ; for I concluded we were not fright- 
ened. I then saluted him with my tongue in a 
harsh manner, and told him that inasmuch as his 
numbers were so far superior to mine, I would 
surrender provided I could be treated with honor 
and be assured of a good quarter for myself and 
the men who were with me ; and he answered I 
should ; another officer, coming up directly after, 
confirmed the treaty; upon which I agreed to 
surrender with my party, which then consisted of 
thirty-one effective men and seven wounded. I 
ordered them to ground their arms, which they did. 
The officer I capitulated with then directed me 
and my party to advance toward him, which was 
done ; I handed him my sword, and in half a min- 
ute after a savage, part of whose head was shaved, 
being almost naked and painted, with feathers 
intermixed with the hair of the other side of his 
head, came running to me with an incredible 
swiftness ; he seemed to advance with more than 
mortal speed ; as he approached near me, his hellish 
visage was beyond all description; snakes' eyes 
appear innocent in comparison to his; his feat- 
ures distorted, malice, death, murder, and the 
wrath of devils and damned spirits are the em- 



Ii6 Ethan Allen, 

blems of his countenance, and in less than twelve 
feet of me, presented his firelock ; at the instant 
of his present, I twitched the officer to whom I 
gave my sword between me and the savage ; but 
he flew round with great fury, trying to single 
me out to shoot me without killing the officer, 
but by this time I was nearly as nimble as he, 
keeping the officer in such a position that his dan- 
ger was my defence ; but in less than half a min- 
ute, I was attacked by just such another imp of 
hell. Then I made the officer fly around with 
incredible velocity for a few seconds of time, when 
I perceived a Canadian who had lost one eye, as 
appeared afterward, taking my part against the 
savages ; and in an instant an Irishman came to 
my assistance with a fixed bayonet, and drove away 

the fiends, swearing by he would kill them. 

This tragic scene composed my mind. The escap- 
ing from so awful a death made even imprison- 
ment happy ; the more so as my conquerors on the 
field treated me with great civility and polite- 
ness. 

The regular officers said that they were very 
happy to see Colonel Allen. I answered them 
that I should rather choose to have seen them at 
General Montgomery's camp. The gentlemen 
replied that they gave full credit to what I said, 
and as I walked to the town, which was, as I 
should guess, more than two miles, a British offi- 
cer walking at my right hand and one of the 
French noblesse at my left ; the latter of which, 



Allen s Account of the Surrender. 117 

in the action, had his eyebrow carried away by a 
glancing shot, but was nevertheless very merry 
and facetious, and no abuse was offered me till I 
came to the barrack yard at Montreal, where I 
met General Prescott, who asked me my name, 
which I told him ; he then asked me whether I 
was that Colonel Allen who took Ticonderoga. 
I told him that I was the very man ; then he shook 
his cane over my head, calling me many hard 
names, among which he frequently used the word 
rebel, and put himself in a great rage. I told 
him he would do well not to cane me, for I was 
not accustomed to it, and shook my fist at him, 
telling him that was the beetle of mortality for 
him if he offered to strike; upon which Captain 
M' Cloud of the British, pulled him by the skirt 
and whispered to him, as he afterward told me, to 
this import, that it was inconsistent with his honor 
to strike a prisoner. He then ordered a sergeant's 
command with fixed bayonets to come forward and 
kill thirteen Canadians who were included in the 
treaty aforesaid. 

It cut me to the heart to see the Canadians in so 
hard a case, in consequence of their having been 
true to me; they were wringing their hands, say- 
ing their prayers, as I concluded, and expected 
immediate death. I therefore stepped between 
the executioners and the Canadians, opened my 
clothes, and told General Prescott to thrust his 
bayonet into my breast, for I was the sole cause 
of the Canadians taking up arms. 



ii8 Ethan Allen, 

The guard in the mean time, rolling their eye- 
balls from the General to me, as though impa- 
tiently waiting his dread command to sheath their 
bayonets in my heart; I could however, plainly 
discern, that he was in a suspense and quandary 
about the matter ; this gave me additional hopes 
of succeeding ; for my design was not to die, but 
to save the Canadians by a finesse. The general 
stood a minute, when he made the following reply : 
" I will not execute you now, but you shall grace 
a halter at Tyburn, you." 

I remember I disdained his mentioning such a 
place ; I was, notwithstanding, a little pleased with 
the expression, as it significantly conveyed to me 
the idea of postponing the present appearance of 
death ; besides, his sentence was by no means final 
as to "gracing a halter," although I had anxiety 
about it after I landed in England, as the reader 
will find in the course of this history. General 
Prescott then ordered one of his officers to take 
me on board the Gaspee schooner of war and con- 
fine me, hands and feet, in irons, which was done 
the same afternoon I was taken. 

The action continued an hour and three-quar- 
ters by the watch, and I know not to this day how 
many of my men were killed, though I am certain 
there were but few. If I remember right, seven 
were wounded; one of them, Wm. Stewart by 
name, was wounded by a savage with a tomahawk 
after he was taken prisoner and disarmed, but 
was rescued by some of the generous enemy, and 



Allen s Account of the Surrender, 119 

so far recovered of his wounds that he afterward 
went with the other prisoners to England. 

Of the enemy, were killed a Major Garden, who 
had been wounded in eleven different battles, and 
an eminent merchant, Patterson, of Montreal, and 
some others, but I never knew their whole loss, 
as their accounts were different. I am apprehen- 
sive that it is rare that so much ammunition was 
expended and so little execution done by it ; though 
such of my party as stood the ground, behaved 
with great fortitude — much exceeding that of the 
enemy — but were not the best of marksmen, and, 
I am apprehensive, were all killed or taken; the 
wounded were all put into the hospital at Mon- 
treal, and those that were not were put on board 
of different vessels in the river and shackled to- 
gether by pairs, viz. , two men fastened together 
by one handcuff being closely fixed to one wrist 
of each of them, and treated with the greatest se- 
verity, nay, as criminals. 

I now come to the description of the irons which 
were put on me. The handcuff was of common 
size and form, but my leg irons I should imagine 
would weigh thirty pounds ; the bar was eight feet 
long and very substantial ; the shackles which en- 
compassed my ankles were very tight. I was told 
by the officer who put them on that it was the 
king's plate, and I heard other of their officers 
say that it would weigh forty weight. The irons 
were so close upon my ankles, that I could not lay 
down in any other manner than on my back. I 



I20 Ethan Allen, 

was put into the lowest and most wretched part 
of the vessel, /where I got the favor of a chest to 
sit on ; the same answered for my bed at night ; 
and having procured some little blocks of the 
guard, who day and night, with fixed bayonets 
watched over me, to lie under each end of the 
large bar of my leg irons, to preserve my ankles 
from galling while I sat on the chest or lay back 
on the same, though most of the time, night and 
day, I sat on it ; but at length having a desire to 
lie down on my side, which the closeness of my 
irons forbid, I desired the captain to loosen them 
for that purpose, but was denied the favor. The 
captain's name was Royal, who did not seem to 
be an ill-natured man, but oftentimes said that 
his express orders were to treat me with such se- 
verity, which was disagreeable to his own feelings ; 
nor did he ever insult me, though many others 
who came on board did. One of the officers, by 
the name of Bradley, was very generous to me ; 
he would often send me victuals from his own 
table ; nor did a day fail, but he sent me a good 
drink of grog. 

The reader is now invited back to the time I 
was put into irons. I requested the privilege to 
write to General Prescott, which was granted. I 
reminded him of the kind and generous manner 
of my treatment of the prisoners I took at Ticon- 
deroga; the injustice and ungentlemanlike usage 
I had met with from him, and demanded better 
usage, but received no answer from him. I soon 



Allen s Account of the Surrender, 12 1 

after wrote to General Carleton, which met the 
same success. In the mean while, many of those 
who were permitted to see me were very insult- 
ing. 

I was confined in the manner I have related, 
on board the Gaspee schooner, about six weeks, 
during which time I was obliged to throw out 
plenty of extravagant language, which answered 
certain purposes, at that time, better than to grace 
a history. 

To give an instance : upon being insulted, in a 
fit of anger, I twisted off a nail with my teeth, 
which I took to be a ten-penny nail; it went 
through the mortise of the band of my handcuff, 
and at the same time I swaggered over those who 
abused me, particularly a Doctor Dace, who told 
me that I was outlawed by New York, and de- 
served death for several years past; was at last 
fully ripened for the halter, and in a fair way to 
obtain it. When I challenged him, he excused 
himself, in consequence, as he said, of my being 
a criminal ; but I flung such a flood of language at 
him that it shocked him and the spectators, for 
my anger was very great. I heard one say, " Him! 
he can eat iron ! " After that, a small padlock was 
fixed to the handcuff instead of the nail, and as 
they were mean-spirited in their treatment to me, 
so it appeared to me that they were equally tim- 
orous and cowardly. 

I was after sent with the prisoners taken with 
me to an armed vessel in the river, which lay off 
9 



122 Ethan Allen » 

against Quebec under the command of Captain 
M' Cloud of the British, who treated me in a very 
generous and obliging manner, and according to 
my rank ; in about twenty-four hours I bid him 
farewell with regret, but my good fortune still 
continued. The name of the captain of the ves- 
sel I was put on board was Littlejohn, who with 
his officers behaved in a polite, generous, and 
friendly manner. I lived with them in the cabin 
and fared on the best, my irons being taken off, 
contrary to the order he had received from the 
commanding officer, but Captain Littlejohn swore 
that a brave man should not be used as a rascal 
on board his ship. - 

That I found myself in possession of happiness 
once more, and the evils I had lately suffered 
gave me an uncommon relish for it. 

Captain Littlejohn used to go to Quebec almost 
every day in order to pay his respects to certain 
gentlemen and ladies; being there on a certain 
day, he happened to meet with some disagreeable 
treatment as he imagined, from a Lieutenant of a 
man-of-war and one word brought on another, un- 
til the Lieutenant challenged him to a duel on the 
plains of Abraham. Captain Littlejohn was a 
gentleman, who entertained a high sense of honor, 
and could do no less than accept the challenge. 

At nine o'clock the next morning they were to 
fight. The captain returned in the evening, and 
acquainted his lieutenant and me with the affair. 
His lieutenant was a high-blooded Scotchman, as 



Allen s Account of the Surrender. 123 

well as himself, who replied to his captain that 
he should not want for a second. With this I in- 
terrupted him and gave the captain to understand 
that since an opportunity had presented, I would 
be glad to testify my gratitude to him by acting 
the part of a faithful second ; on which he gave 
me his hand, and said that he wanted no better 
man. Says he, I am a king's officer, and you a 
prisoner under my care; you must therefore go 
with me to the place appointed in disguise, and 
added further : " You must engage me, upon the 
honor of a gentleman, that whether I die or live, 
or whatever happens, provided you live, that you 
will return to my lieutenant on board this ship." 
All this I solemnly engaged him. The comba- 
tants were to discharge each a pocket pistol, and 
then to fall on with their iron-hilted muckle 
whangers, and one of that sort was allotted for 
me; but some British officers, who interposed 
early in the morning, settled the controversy with- 
out fighting. 

Now having enjoyed eight or nine days' happi- 
ness from the polite and generous treatment of 
Captain Littlejohn and his officers, I was obliged 
to bid them farewell, parting with them in as 
friendly a manner as we had lived together, which, 
to the best of my memory, was the eleventh of 
November; when a detachment of General Ar- 
nold's little army appeared on Point Levi, oppo- 
site Quebec, who had performed an extraordinary 
march through a wilderness country with design 



r 



124 Ethan Allen, 

to have surprised the capital of Canada ; I was 
then taken on board a vessel called the Adamant, 
together with the prisoners taken with me, and 
put under the power of an English merchant from 
London, whose name was Brook Watson ; a man 
of malicious and cruel disposition, and who was 
probably excited, in the exercise of his malevo- 
lence, by a junto of tories who sailed with him 
to England; among whom were Colonel Guy 
Johnson, Colonel Closs, and their attendants and 
associates, to the number of about thirty. 

All the ship's crew. Colonel Closs in his per- 
sonal behavior excepted, behaved toward the pris- 
oners with that spirit of bitterness which is the 
peculiar characteristic of tories when they have 
the friends of America in their power, measuring 
their loyalty to the English king by the bar- 
barity, fraud and deceit which they exercised to- 
ward the whigs, 

A small place in the vessel, inclosed with white- 
oak plank, was assigned for the prisoners, and for 
me among the rest. I should imagine that it was 
not more than twenty feet one way, and twenty- 
two the other. Into this place we were all, to the 
number of thirty-four, thrust and handcuffed, two 
prisoners more being added to our number, and 
were provided with two excrement tubs ; in this 
circumference we were obliged to eat and perform 
the offices of evacuation during the voyage to 
England, and were insulted by every blackguard 
sailor and tory on board, in the cruellest manner ; 



Allen s Account of the Surrender. 125 

but what is the most surprising thing is, that not 
one of us died in the passage. When I was first 
ordered to go into the filthy inclosure, through a 
small sort of door, I positively refused, and en- 
deavored to reason the before-named Brook Watson 
out of a conduct so derogatory to every sentiment 
of honor and humanity, but all to no purpose, my 
men being forced in the den already; and the 
rascal who had the charge of the prisoners com- 
manded me to go immediately in among the rest. 
He further added, that the place was good enough 
for a rebel ; that it was impertinent for a capital 
offender to talk of honor or humanity; that any- 
thing short of a halter was too good for me, and 
that would be my portion soon after I landed in 
England, for which purpose only I was sent 
thither. About the same time a lieutenant among 
the tories insulted me in a grievous manner, say- 
ing I ought to have been executed for my rebellion 
against New York, and spit in my face, upon 
which, though I was in handcuffs, I sprang at 
him with both hands and knocked him partly 
down, but he scrambled along into the cabin, and 
I after him ; there he got under the protection of 
some men with fixed bayonets, who were ordered 
to make ready to drive me into the place afore- 
mentioned. I challenged him to fight, notwith- 
standing the impediments that were on my hands, 
and had the exalted pleasure to see the rascal 
tremble for fear ; his name I have forgot, but Wat- 
son ordered his guard to get me into the place 



126 Ethan Allen, 

with the other prisoners, dead or alive ; and I had 
almost as lieve died as do it, standing it out till 
they environed me round with bayonets, and brut- 
ish, prejudiced, abandoned wretches they were, 
from whom I could expect nothing but wounds or 
death ; however, I told them that they were good 
honest fellows, that I could not blame them ; that 
I was only in dispute with a calico merchant, who 
knew not how to behave toward a gentleman of 
the military establishment. This was spoken 
rather to appease them for my own preservation, 
as well as to treat Watson with contempt ; but still 
I found they were determined to force me into the 
wretched circumstances, which their prejudiced 
and depraved minds had prepared for me ; there- 
fore, rather than die I submitted to their indigni- 
ties, being drove with bayonets into the filthy 
dungeon with the other prisoners, where we were 
denied fresh water, except a small allowance, 
which was very inadequate to our wants ; and in 
consequence of the stench of the place, each of us 
was soon followed with a diarrhoea and fever, 
which occasioned intolerable thirst. When we 
asked for water, we were, most commonly, instead 
of obtaining it, insulted and derided ; and to add to 
all the horrors of the place, it was so dark that we 
could not see each other, and were overspread with 
body-lice. We had, notwithstanding these severi- 
ties, full allowance of salt provisions, and a gill of 
rum per day ; the latter of which was of the utmost 
service to us, and, probably, was the means of 



Alle7t s Account of the Surrender. 127 

saving several of our lives. About forty days we 
existed in this manner, when the land's end of 
England was discovered from the mast head ; soon 
after which, the prisoners were taken from their 
gloomy abode, being permitted to see the light of 
the sun, and breathe fresh air, which to us was 
very refreshing. The day following we landed at 
Falmouth. 

A few days before I was taken prisoner I shifted 
my clothes, by which I happened to be taken in 
a Canadian dress, viz., a short fawn-skin jacket, 
double breasted, an undervest and breeches of 
sagathy, worsted stockings, a decent pair of shoes, 
two plain shirts, and a red worsted cap ; this was 
all the clothing I had, in which I made my ap- 
pearance in England. 

Wh-en the prisoners were landed, multitudes of 
the citizens of Falmouth, excited by curiosity, 
crowded to see us, which was equally gratifying 
to us. I saw numbers on the house tops and the 
rising adjacent groimds were covered with them, 
of both sexes. The throng was so great, that the 
king's officers were obliged to draw their swords, 
and force a passage to Pendennis castle, which 
was near a mile from the town, where we were 
closely confined, in consequence of orders from 
General Carleton, who then commanded in Canada. 



CHAPTER XII. 

LIFE IN PENDENNIS CASTLE. — LORD NORTH. ON 

BOARD THE " SOLEBAY. " ATTENTIONS RECEIVED 

IN IRELAND AND MADEIRA. 

The rascally Brook Watson then set out for Lon- 
don in great haste, expecting the reward of his 
zeal; but the ministry received him, as I have 
been since informed, rather coolly ; but the minor- 
ity in parliament took advantage, arguing that 
the opposition of America to Great Britain was 
not a rebellion. If it is, say they, why do you not 
execute Colonel Allen according to law? but the 
majority argued that I ought to be executed, and 
that the opposition was really a rebellion, but that 
policy obliged them not to do it, inasmuch as the 
congress had then most prisoners in their power: 
so that my being sent to England, for the purpose 
of being executed, and necessity restraining them, 
was rather a foil on their laws and authority, and 
they consequently disapproved of my being sent 
thither. But I had never heard the least hint of 
those debates in parliament, or of the working of 
their policy, until some time after I left England. 

Consequently the reader will readily conceive I 
was anxious about my preservation, knowing that 
128 



Imprison ment. 129 

I was in the power of a haughty and cruel nation 
considered as such. Therefore, the first proposition 
which I determined in my own mind was, that 
humanity and moral suasion would not be con- 
sulted in the determining of my fate ; and those 
that daily came in great numbers out of curiosity 
to see me, both gentle and simple, united in this, 
that I would be hanged. A gentleman from Amer- 
ica, by the name of Temple, and who was friendly 
to me, just whispered to me in the ear, and told 
me that bets were laid in London, that I would be 
executed ; he likewise privately gave me a guinea, 
but durst say but little to me. 

However, agreeably to my first negative prop- 
osition, that moral virtue would not influence my 
destiny, I had recourse to stratagem, which I was 
in hopes would move in the circle of their policy. 
I requested of the commander of the castle, the 
privilege of writing to congress, who, after con- 
sulting with an officer that lived in town, of a su- 
perior rank, permitted me to write. I wrote in 
the fore part of the letter, a short narrative of my 
ill-treatment; but withal let them know that, 
though I was treated as a criminal in England, 
and continued in irons, together with those taken 
with me, yet it was, in consequence of the orders 
which the commander of the castle received from 
General Carleton, and therefore desired congress 
to desist from matters of retaliation, until they 
should know the result of the government in Eng- 
land respecting their treatment toward me, and 



130 Ethan Allen. 

the prisoners with me, and govern themselves ac- 
cordingly, with a particular request that, if retali- 
ation should be found necessary, it might be 
exercised not according to the smallness of my 
character in America, but in proportion to the im- 
portance of the cause for which I suffered. This 
is, according to my present recollection, the sub- 
stance of the letter inscribed : " To the illustrious 
Continental Congress." This letter was written 
with the view that it should be sent to the min- 
istry at London, rather than to congress, with a 
design to intimidate the haughty English govern- 
ment, and screen my neck from the halter. 

The next day the officer, from whom I obtained 
license to write, came to see me and frowned on 
me on account of the impudence of the letter, as 
he phrased it, and further added, " Do you think 
that we are fools in England, and would send your 
letter to congress, with instructions to retaliate on 
our own people? I have sent your letter to Lord 
North. " This gave me inward satisfaction, though 
I carefully concealed it with a pretended resent- 
ment, for I found that I had come Yankee over 
him, and that the letter had gone to the identical 
person I designed it for. Nor do I know to this 
day, but that it had the desired effect, though I 
have not heard anything of the letter since. 

My personal treatment by Lieutenant Hamilton, 
who commanded the castle, was very generous. 
He sent me every day a fine breakfast and dinner 
from his own table, and a bottle of good wine. 



Imprisonment, 131 

AnotHer aged gentleman, whose name I cannot rec- 
ollect, sent me a good supper. But there was no 
distinction between me and the privates ; we all 
lodged in a sort of Dutch bunks, in one common 
apartment, and were allowed straw. The privates 
were well supplied with provisions, and with me, 
took effectual measures to rid themselves of lice. 

I could not but feel, inwardly, extremely anxious 
for my fate. This I, however, concealed from the 
prisoners, as well as from the enemy, who were 
perpetually shaking the halter at me. I never- 
theless treated them with scorn and contempt ; and 
having sent my letter to the ministry, could con- 
ceive of nothing more in my power but to keep up 
my spirits, behave in a daring, soldier-like man- 
ner, that I might exhibit a good sample of Amer- 
ican fortitude. Such a conduct, I judged, would 
have a more probable tendency to my preservation 
than concession and timidity. This, therefore, 
was my deportment : and I had lastly determined 
in my mind, that if a cruel death must inevitably 
be my portion, I would face it undaunted; and 
though I greatly rejoice that I returned to my 
country and friends, and to see the power and 
pride of Great Britain humbled, yet I am confi- 
dent I could then have died without the least ap- 
pearance of dismay. 

I now clearly recollect that my mind was so re- 
solved that I would not have trembled or shown 
the least fear, as I was sensible that it could not 
alter my fate, nor do more than reproach my 



132 Ethan Allen. 

memory, make my last act despicable to my 
enemies, and eclipse the other actions of my life. 
For I reasoned thus, that nothing was more com- 
mon than for men to die with their friends around 
them, weeping- and lamenting over them, but not 
able to help them, which was in reality not differ- 
ent in the consequence of it from such a death as 
I was apprehensive of ; and as death was the nat- 
ural consequence of animal life to which the laws 
of nature subject mankind, to be timorous and un- 
easy as to the event and manner of it was incon- 
sistent with the character of a philosopher and 
soldier. The cause I was engaged in I ever viewed 
worthy hazarding my life for, nor was I, in the 
most critical moments of trouble, sorry that I en- 
gaged in it ; and as to the world of spirits, though 
I knew nothing of the mode or manner of it, I ex- 
pected nevertheless, when I should arrive at such 
a world, that I should be as well treated as other 
gentlemen of my merit. 

Among the great numbers of people who came 
to the castle to see the prisoners, some gentlemen 
told me that they had come fifty miles on purpose 
to see me, and desired to ask me a number of 
questions, and to make free with me in conver- 
sation. I gave for answer that I chose freedom in 
every sense of the word. Then one of them asked 
me what my occupation in life had been. I an- 
swered him, that in my younger days I had studied 
divinity but was a conjuror by profession. He 
replied that I conjured wrong at the time I was 



Imprisonment. 133 

taken ; and I was obliged to own that I mistook a 
figure at that time, but that I had conjured them 
out of Ticonderoga. This was a place of great 
notoriety in England, so that the joke seemed to 
go in my favor. 

It was a common thing for me to be taken out 
of close confinement, into a spacious green in the 
castle, or rather parade, where numbers of gentle- 
men and ladies were ready to see and hear me. I 
often entertained such audiences with harangues 
on the impracticability of Great Britain's conquer- 
ing the colonies of America. At one of these 
times I asked a gentleman for a bowl of punch, 
and he ordered his servant to bring it, which he 
did, and offered it to me, but I refused to take it 
from the hand of his servant ; he then gave it to 
me with his own hand, refusing to drink with me 
in consequence of my being a state criminal. 
However, I took the punch and drank it all down 
at one draught, and handed the gentleman the 
bowl ; this made the spectators as well as myself 
merry. 

I expatiated on American freedom. This 
gained the resentment of a young beardless gentle- 
man of the company, who gave himself very great 
airs, and replied that he knew the Americans very 
well, and was certain thy could not bear the smell 
of powder. I replied that I accepted it as a chal- 
lenge, and was ready to convince him on the spot 
that an American could bear the smell of powder; 
at which he answered that he should not put him- 



134 Ethan Allen. 

self on a par with me. I then demanded him to 
treat the character of the Americans with due re- 
spect. He answered that I was an Irishman ; but 
I assured him that I was a full-blooded Yankee, 
and in fine bantered him so much, that he left me 
in possession of the ground, and the laugh went 
against him. Two clergymen came to see me, 
and inasmuch as they behaved with civility, I re- 
turned them the same. We discoursed on several 
parts of moral philosophy and Christianity ; and 
they seemed to be surprised that I should be ac- 
quainted with such topics, or that I should under- 
stand a syllogism or regular mode of argumen- 
tation, I am apprehensive my Canadian dress 
contributed not a little to the surprise and excite- 
ment of curiosity : to see a gentleman in England 
regularly dressed and well behaved would be no 
sight at all ; but such a rebel as they were pleased 
to call me, it is probable, was never before seen 
in England. 

The prisoners were landed at Falmouth a few 
days before Christmas, and ordered on board of 
the Solebay frigate, Captain Symonds, on the eighth 
day of January, 1776, when our hand irons were 
taken off. This remove was in consequence, as I 
have been since informed, of a writ of habeas 
corpus, which had been procured by some gentle- 
men in England, in order to obtain me my liberty. 

The Solebay^ with sundry other men-of-war and 
about forty transports, rendezvoused at the cove of 
Cork, in Ireland, to take in provisions and water. 



Imprisonment. 135 

When we were first brought on board, Captain 
Symonds ordered all the prisoners and most of 
the hands on board to go on the deck, and caused 
to be read in their hearing a certain code of laws 
or rules for the regulation and ordering of their 
behavior ; and then in a sovereign manner, ordered 
the prisoners, me in particular, off the deck and 
never to come on it again : for, said he, this is a 
place for gentlemen to walk. So I went off, an 
officer following me, who told me he would show 
me the place allotted to me, and took me down to 
the cabin tier, saying to me this is your place. 

Prior to this I had taken cold, by which I was in 
an ill state of health, and did not say much to the 
officer ; but stayed there that night, consulted my 
policy, and I found I was in an evil case: that a 
captain of a man-of-war was more arbitrary than 
a king, as he could view his territory with a look 
of his eye, and a movement of his finger com- 
manded obedience. I felt myself more despond- 
ing than I had done at an^^time before; for I con- 
cluded it to be a government scheme, to do that 
clandestinely which policy forbid to be done under 
sanction of any public justice and law. 

However, two days after, I shaved and cleansed 
myself as well as I could, and went on deck. The 
captain spoke to me in a great rage, and said: 
" Did I not order you not to come on deck? " I 
answered him, that at the same time he said, 
*' that it was the place for gentlemen to walk ; that 
I was Colonel Allen, but had not been properly 



136 Ethan Allen. 

introduced to him." He replied, " you, 

sir, be careful not to walk the same side of the deck 
that I do. " This gave me encouragement, and ever 
after that I walked in the manner he had directed, 
except when he, at certain times afterward, had 
ordered me off in a passion, and I then would di- 
rectly afterward go on again, telling him to com- 
mand his slaves ; that I was a gentleman and had 
a right to walk the deck ; yet when he expressly 
ordered me off I obeyed, not out of obedience to 
him, but to set an example to the ship's crew, who 
ought to obey him. 

To walk to the windward side of the deck is, ac- 
cording to custom, the prerogative of the captain 
of the man-of-war, though he, sometimes, nay 
commonly, walks with his lieutenants, when no 
strangers are by. When a captain from some 
other man-of-war comes on board, the captains 
walk to the windward side, and the other gentle- 
men to the leeward. 

It was but a few nights I lodged in the cabin 
tier before I gained an acquaintance with the 
master of arms ; his name was Gillegan, an Irish- 
man, who was a generous and well-disposed man, 
and in a friendly manner made me an offer of liv- 
ing with him in a little berth, which was allotted 
him between decks, and inclosed in canvas; his 
preferment on board was about equal to that of a 
sergeant in a regiment. I was comparatively 
happy in the acceptance of his clemency, and lived 
with him in friendship till the frigate anchored in 



Imprisonmnent, 137 

the harbor of Cape Fear, North Carolina, in Amer- 
ica. 

Nothing of material consequence happened till 
the fleet rendezvoused at the cove of Cork, except 
a violent storm which brought old hardy sailors 
to their prayers. It was soon rumored in Cork 
that I, was on board the Solebay, with a number 
of prisoners from America, upon which Messrs. 
Clark & Hays, merchants in company, and a num- 
ber of other benevolently disposed gentlemen, 
contributed largely to the relief and support of 
the prisoners, who were thirty-four in number, and 
in very needy circumstances. A suit of clothes 
from head to foot, including an overcoat or sur- 
tout, and two shirts were bestowed upon each of 
them. My suit I received in superfine broad- 
cloth, suflicient for two jackets and two pairs of 
breeches, overplus of a suit throughout, eight fine 
Holland shirts and socks ready made, with a num- 
ber of pairs of silk and worsted hose, two pairs of 
shoes, two beaver hats, one of which was sent me, 
richty laced with gold, by James Bonwell. The 
Irish gentlemen furthermore made a large gratuity 
of wines of the best sort, spirits, gin, loaf and 
brown sugar, tea and chocolate, with a large round 
of pickled beef, and a number of fat turkies, with 
many other articles, for my sea stores, too tedious 
to mention here. To the privates they bestowed 
on each man two pounds of tea and six pounds of 
brown sugar. These articles were received on 
board at a time when the captain and first lieuten- 
10 



138 Ethan Allen. 

ant were gone on shore, by the permission of the 
second lieutenant, a handsome young gentleman, 
who was then under twenty-one years of age ; his 
name was Douglass, son of Admiral Douglass, as I 
was informed. 

As this munificence was so unexpected and 
plentiful, I may add needful, it impressed on my 
mind the highest sense of gratitude toward my 
benefactors ; for I was not only supplied with the 
necessaries and conveniences of life, but with the 
grandeurs and superfluities of it. Mr. Hays, one 
of the donators before-mentioned, came on board 
and behaved in the most obliging manner, telling 
me that he hoped my troubles were past, for that 
the gentlemen of Cork determined to make my sea 
stores equal to that of the captain of the Solebay j 
he made an offer of live-stock and wherewith to 
support them ; but I knew this would be denied. 
And to crown all, did send me by another person 
fifty guineas, but I could not reconcile receiving 
the whole to my own feelings, as it might have 
the appearance of avarice, and therefore received 
but seven guineas only, and am confident, not only 
from the exercises of the present well-timed gen- 
erosity, but from a large acquaintance with 
gentlemen of this nation, that as a people they ex- 
cel in liberality and bravery. 

Two days after the receipt of the aforesaid do- 
nations. Captain Symonds came on board full of 
envy toward the prisoners, and swore by all that 
is good that the damned American rebels should 



Imprison ment, 139 

not be feasted at this rate by the damned rebels 
of Ireland; he therefore took away all my liquors 
before-mentioned, except some of the wine which 
was secreted, and a two-gallon jug of old spirits 
which was reserved for me per favor of Lieutenant 
Douglass. The taking of my liquors was abom- 
inable in his sight. He therefore spoke in my 
behalf, till the captain was angry with him, and 
in consequence proceeded and took away all the 
tea and sugar which had been given to the pris- 
oners, and confiscated it to the use of the ship's 
crew. Our clothing was not taken away, but the 
privates were forced to do duty on board. Soon 
after this there came a boat to the side of the ship 
and Captain Symonds asked a gentleman in it, in 
my hearing, what his business was, who answered 
that he was sent to deliver some sea stores to Col- 
onel Allen, which, if I remember right, he said 
were sent from Dublin ; but the captain damned 
him heartily, ordering him away from the ship, and 
would not suffer him to deliver the stores. I was 
furthermore informed that the gentlemen in Cork 
requested of Captain Symonds that I might be 
allowed to come into the city, and that they would 
be responsible I should return to the frigate at a 
given time, which was denied them. 

We sailed from England on the 8th day of Jan-^ 
uary, and from the cove of Cork on the 12th day 
of February. Just before we sailed, the prison- 
ers with me were divided and put on board three 
different ships of war. This gave me some un- 



140 Ethan Allen, 

easiness, for they were to a man zealous in the 
cause of liberty, and behaved with a becoming 
fortitude in the various scenes of their captivity ; 
but those who were distributed on board other 
ships of war were much better used than those 
who tarried with me, as appeared afterward. 
When the fleet, consisting of about forty-five sail, 
including five men-of-war, sailed from the cove 
with a fresh breeze, the appearance was beautiful, 
abstracted from the unjust and bloody designs they 
had in view. We had not sailed many days be- 
fore a mighty storm arose, which lasted near 
twenty-four hours without intermission. The 
wind blew with relentless fury, and no man could 
remain on deck, except he was lashed fast, for the 
waves rolled over the deck by turns, with a forci- 
ble rapidity, and every soul on board was anx- 
ious for the preservation of the ship, alias their 
lives. In this storm the Tkunder-bomb man-of-war 
sprang aleak, and was afterward floated to some 
part of the coast of England, and the crew saved. 
We were then said to be in the Bay of Biscay. 
After the storm abated, I could plainly discern the 
prisoners were better used for some considerable 
time. 

Nothing of consequence happened after this, 
till we sailed to the island of Madeira, except a 
certain favor I had received of Captain Symonds, 
in consequence of an application I made to him 
for the privilege of his tailor to make me a suit of 
clothes of the cloth bestowed on me in Ireland, 



Imprisonment, 141 

which he generously granted. I could then walk 
the deck with a seeming better grace. When we 
had reached Madeira and anchored, sundry gen- 
tlemen with the captain went on shore, who, I 
conclude, gave the rumor that I was in the frigate, 
upon which I soon found that Irish generosity was 
again excited; for a gentleman of that nation sent 
his clerk on board to know of me if I could ac- 
cept a sea store from him, particularly wine. This 
matter I made known to the generous Lieutenant 
Douglass, who readily granted me the favor, pro- 
vided the articles could be brought on board dur- 
ing the time of his command ; adding that it would 
be a pleasure to him to serve me, notwithstanding 
the opposition he met with before. So I directed 
the gentleman's clerk to inform him that I was 
greatly in need of so signal a charity, and desired 
the young gentleman to make the utmost dispatch, 
which he did ; but in the mean time Captain Sy- 
monds and his officers came on board, and im-. 
mediately made ready for sailing ; the wind at the 
same time being fair, set sail when the young 
gentleman was in fair sight with the aforesaid 
store. 

The reader will doubtless recollect the seven 
guineas I received at the cove of Cork. These 
enabled me to purchase of the purser what I 
wanted, had not the captain strictly forbidden it, 
though I made sundry applications to him for that 
purpose ; but his answer to me, when I was sick, 
was, that it was no matter how soon I was dead, 



142 Ethan Allen. 

and that he was no ways anxious to preserve the 
lives of rebels, but wished them all dead ; and in- 
deed that was the language of most of the ship's 
crew. I expostulated not only with the captain, but 
with other gentlemen on board, on the unreason- 
ableness of such usage; inferring that inasmuch 
as the government in England did not proceed 
against me as a capital offender, they should not ; 
for that they were by no means empowered by 
any authority, either civil or military, to do so; 
for the English government had acquitted me by 
sending me back a prisoner of war to America, 
and that they should treat me as such. I further 
drew an inference of impolicy on them, provided 
they should by hard usage destroy my life ; inas- 
much as I might, if living, redeem one of their 
officers; but the captain replied that he needed 
no directions of mine how to treat a rebel ; that 
the British would conquer the American rebels, 
hang the Congress and such as promoted the re- 
bellion, me in particular, and retake their own pris- 
oners ; so that my life was of no consequence in 
the scale of their policy. I gave him for answer 
that if they stayed till they conquered America 
before they hanged me, I should die of old age, 
and desired that till such an event took place, he 
would at least allow me to purchase of the purser, 
for my own money, such articles as I greatly 
needed ; but he would not permit it, and when I 
reminded him of the generous and civil usage that 
their prisoners in captivity in America met with, 



Imprisonment, 143 

he said that it was not owing to their goodness, 
but to their timidity ; for, said he, they expect to 
be conquered, and therefore dare not misuse our 
prisoners ; and in fact this was the language of the 
British officers till Burgoyne was taken; happy 
event ! and not only of the officers but the whole 
British army. I appeal to all my brother pris- 
oners who have been with the British in the 
southern department for a confirmation of what I 
have advanced on this subject. The surgeon of 
the Solebay, whose name was North, was a very 
humane, obliging man, and took the best care of 
the prisoners who were sick. 



CHAPTER XIII. 

RENDEZVOUS AT CAPE FEAR. SICKNESS. HALIFAX 

JAIL. — LETTER TO GENERAL MASSEY. — VOYAGE 
TO NEW YORK. — ON PAROLE. 

The third day of May v^e cast anchor in the har- 
bor of Cape Fear, in North Carolina, as did Sir 
Peter Parker's ship, of fifty guns, a little back of 
the bar ; for there was not depth of water for him 
to come into the harbor. These two men-of-war, 
and fourteen sail of transports and others, came 
after, so that most of the fleet rendezvoused at 
Cape Fear for three weeks. The soldiers on 
board the transports were sickly, in consequence 
of so long a passage ; add to this the small-pox 
carried off many of them. They landed on the 
main, and formed a camp ; but the riflemen an- 
noyed them, and caused them to move to an island 
in the harbor; but such cursing of riflemen I 
never heard. 

A detachment of regulars was sent up Bruns- 
wick River ; as they landed they were fired on by 
those marksmen, and they came back next day 
damning the rebels for their unmanly way of 
fighting, and swearing they would give no quarter, 
for they took sight at them, and were behind tim- 
144 



Imprisonment, 145 

ber, skulking about. One of the detachments said 
they lost one man ; but a negro man who was with 
them, and heard what was said, soon after told me 
that he helped to bury thirty-one of them ; this 
did me some good to find my countrymen giving 
them battle ; for I never heard such swaggering 
as among General Clinton's little army, who com- 
manded at that time ; and I am apt to think there 
were four thousand men, though not two-thirds of 
them fit for duty. I heard numbers of them say 
that the trees in America should hang well with 
fruit that campaign, for they would give no quar- 
ter. This was in the mouths of most who I heard 
speak on the subject, officer as well as soldier. I 
wished at that time my countrymen knew, as 
well as I did, what a murdering and cruel enemy 
they had to deal with ; but experience has since 
taught this country what they are to expect at the 
hands of Britons when in their power. 

The prisoners who had been sent on board dif- 
ferent men-of-war at the cove of Cork were col- 
lected together, and the whole of them put on 
board the Mercury frigate. Captain James Monta- 
gue, except one of the Canadians, who died on the 
passage from Ireland, and Peter Noble, who made 
his escape from the Sphynx man-of-war in this 
harbor, and, by extraordinary swimming, got safe 
home to New England and gave intelligence of 
the usage of his brother prisoners. The Mercury 
set sail from this port for Halifax about the 20th 
of May, and Sir Peter Parker was about to sail 



146 Ethan Allen. 

with the land forces, tinder the command of General 
Clinton, for the reduction of Charleston, the cap- 
ital of South Carolina, and when I heard of his 
defeat in Halifax, it gave me inexpressible satis- 
faction. 

I now found myself under a worse captain than 
Symonds; for Montague was loaded with prej- 
udices against everybody and everything that 
was not stamped with royalty ; and being by na- 
ture underwitted, his wrath was heavier than the 
others, or at least his mind was in no instance 
liable to be diverted by good sense, humor or 
bravery, of which Symonds was by turns suscepti- 
ble. A Captain Francis Proctor was added to our 
number of prisoners when we were first put on 
board this ship. This gentleman had formerly 
belonged to the English service. The captain, 
and in fine, all the gentlemen of the ship were 
very much incensed against him, and put him in 
irons without the least provocation, and he was con- 
tinued in this miserable situation about three 
months. In this passage the prisoners were in- 
fected with the scurvy, some more and some less, 
but most of them severely. The ship's crew was 
to a great degree troubled with it, and I con- 
cluded it was catching. Several of the crew died 
with it on their passage. I was weak and feeble 
in consequence of so long and cruel a captivity, 
yet had but little of the scurvy. 

The purser was again expressly forbid by the 
captain to let me have anything out of his store ; 



Imprisonment, 147 

upon which I went upon deck, and in the hand- 
somest manner requested the favor of purchasing 
a few necessaries of the purser, which was denied 
me ; he further told me, that I should be hanged 
as soon as I arrived at Halifax. I tried to reason 
the matter with him, but found him proof against 
reason ; I also held up his honor to view, and his 
behavior to me and the prisoners in general, as 
being derogatory to it, but found his honor im- 
penetrable. I then endeavored to touch his hu- 
manity, but found he had none ; for his preposses- 
sion of bigotry to his own party had confirmed 
him in an opinion that no humanity was due to 
unroyalists, but seemed to think that heaven and 
earth were made merely to gratify the king and 
his creatures ; he uttered considerable unintelligi- 
ble and grovelling ideas, a little tinctured with 
monarchy but stood well to his text of hanging 
me. He afterward forbade his surgeon to admin- 
ister any help to the sick prisoners. I was every 
night shut down in the cable tier with the rest of 
the prisoners, and we all lived miserably while 
under his power. But I received some generosity 
from several of the midshipmen who in degree 
alleviated my misery; one of their names was 
Putrass ; the names of the. others I do not recollect ; 
but they were obliged to be private in the be- 
stowment of their favor, which was sometimes 
good wine bitters and at others a generous drink 
of grog. 

Some time in the first week of June, we came to 



148 Ethan Allen, 

anchor at the Hook of New York, where we re- 
mained but three days ; in which time Governor 
Tryon, Mr. Kemp, the old attorney-general of 
New York, and several other perfidious and over- 
grown tories and land-jobbers, came on board. 
Tryon viewed me with a stern countenance, as I 
was walking on the leeward side of the deck with 
the midshipmen ; and he and his companions were 
walking with the captain and lieutenant on the 
windward side of the same, but never spoke to me, 
though it is altogether probable that he thought 
of the old quarrel between him, the old govern- 
ment of New York, and the Green Mountain Boys. 
Then they went with the captain into the cabin, 
and the same afternoon returned on board a vessel, 
where at that time they took sanctuary from the 
resentment of their injured country. What passed 
between the officers of the ship and these visitors 
I know not ; but this I know, that my treatment 
from the officers was more severe afterward. 

We arrived at Halifax not far from the middle 
of June, where the ship's crew, which was infested 
with the scurvy, were taken on shore and shallow 
trenches dug, into which they were put, and partly 
covered with earth. Indeed, every proper measure 
was taken for their relief. The prisoners were not 
permitted any sort of medicine, but were put on 
board a sloop which lay in the harbor, near the 
town of Halifax, surrounded by several men-of- 
war and their tenders, and a guard constantly set 
over them, night and day. The sloop we had 



Imprisonment. 149 

wholly to ourselves, except the guard who occupied 
the forecastle ; here we were cruelly pinched with 
hunger ; it seemed to me that we had not more 
than one-third of the common allowance. We 
were all seized with violent hunger and faintness; 
we divided our scanty allowance as exact as possi- 
ble. I shared the same fate with the rest, and 
though they offered me more than an even share, 
I refused to accept it, as it was a time of sub- 
stantial distress, which in my opinion I ought to 
partake equally with the rest, and set an example 
of virtue and fortitude to our little commonwealth. 
I sent letter after letter to Captain Montague, 
who still had the care of us, and also to his lieu- 
tenant, whose name I cannot call to mind, but 
could obtain no answer, much less a redress of 
grievances ; and to add to the calamity, nearly a 
dozen of the prisoners were dangerously ill of the 
scurvy. I wrote private letters to the doctors, to 
procure, if possible, some remed}^ for the sick, but 
in vain. The chief physician came by in a boat, 
so close that the oars touched the sloop that we 
were in, and I uttered my complaint in the gen- 
teelest manner to him, but he never so much as 
turned his head, or made me any answer, though 
I continued speaking till he got out of hearing. 
Our cause then became deplorable. Still I kept 
writing to the captain, till he ordered the guards, 
as they told me, not to bring any more letters 
from me to him. In the mean time an event hap- 
pened worth relating. One of the men, almost 



150 Ethan A Hat, 

dead with the scurvy, lay by the side of the sloop, 
and a canoe of Indians coming by, he purchased 
two quarts of strawberries, and ate them at once, 
and it almost cured him. The money he gave for 
them was all the money he had in the world. 
After that we tried every way to procure more of 
that fruit, reasoning from analogy that they might 
have the same effect on others infested with the 
same disease, but could obtain none. 

Meanwhile the doctor's mate of the Mercury 
came privately on board the prison sloop and pre- 
sented me with a large vial of smart drops, which 
proved to be good for the scurvy, though vegeta- 
bles and some other ingredients were requisite for 
a cure : but the drops gave at least a check to the 
disease. This was a well-timed exertion of hu- 
manity, but the doctor's name has slipped my 
mind, and in my opinion, it was the means of sav- 
ing the lives of several men. 

The guard which was set over us was by this 
time touched with feelings of compassion ; and I 
finally trusted one of them with a letter of com- 
plaint to Governor Arbuthnot, of Halifax, which 
he found means to communicate, and which had 
the desired effect ; for the governor sent an officer 
and surgeon on board the prison sloop to know 
the truth of the complaint. The officer's name 
was Russell ; he held the rank of lieutenant, and 
treated me in a friendly and polite manner, and 
was really angry at the cruel and unmanly usage 
the prisoners met with; and with the surgeon 



Imprisonment, 1 5 1 

made a true report of matters to Governor Arbuth- 
not, who, either by his order or influence, took us 
next day from the prison sloop to Halifax jail, 
where I first became acquainted with the now 
Hon. James Lovel, one of the members of Con- 
gress for the State of Massachusetts. The sick 
were taken to the hospital, and the Canadians, 
who were effective, were employed in the king's 
works ; and when their countrymen were recovered 
from the scurvy and joined them, they all deserted 
the king's employ, and were not heard of at Hali- 
fax as long as the remainder of the prisoners con- 
tinued there, which was till near the middle of 
October. We were on board the prison sloop 
about six weeks, and were landed at Halifax near 
the middle of August. Several of our English- 
American prisoners, who were cured of the scurvy 
at the hospital, made their escape from thence, 
and after a long time reached their old habitations. 
I had now but thirteen with me of those who 
were taken in Canada, and remained in jail with 
me at Halifax, who, in addition to those that were 
imprisoned before, made our number about thirty- 
four, who were all locked up in one common large 
room, without regard to rank, education, or any 
other accomplishment, where we continued from 
the setting to the rising sun ; and as sundry of 
them were infected with the jail and other dis- 
tempers, the furniture of this spacious room con- 
sisted principally of excrement tubs. We peti- 
tioned for a removal of the sick into the hospitals, 



152 Ethan Allen, 

but were denied. ' We remonstrated against the 
ungenerous usage of being confined with the pri- 
vates, as being contrary to the laws and customs 
of nations, and particularly ungrateful in them in 
consequence of the gentleman-like usage which 
the British imprisoned officers met with in Amer- 
ica; and thus we wearied ourselves, petitioning 
and remonstrating, but to no purpose at all ; for 
General Massey, who commanded at Halifax, was 
as inflexible as the devil himself, a fine prepara- 
tive this for Mr. Lovel, member of the Continental 
Congress. 

Lieutenant Russell, whom I have mentioned 
before, came to visit me in prison, and assured 
me that he had done his utmost to procure my 
parole for enlargement ; at which a British cap- 
tain, who was then town-major, expressed com- 
passion for the gentlemen confined in the filthy 
place, and assured me that he had used his influ- 
ence to procure their enlargement; his name was 
near like Ramsey. Among the prisoners there 
were four in number who had a legal claim to a 
parole, a Mr. Rowland, master of a continental 
armed vessel, a Mr. Taylor, his mate, and myself. 

As to the article of provision, we were well 
served, much better than in any part of my captiv- 
ity; and since it was Mr. Lovel's misfortune and 
mine to be prisoners, and in so wretched circum- 
stances, I was happy that we were together as a 
mutual support to each other and to the unfort- 
unate prisoners with us. Our first attention was 



Imprisonment. 153 

the preservation of ourselves and injured little re- 
public; the rest of our time we devoted inter- 
changeably to politics and philosophy, as patience 
was a needful exercise in so evil a situation, but 
contentment mean and impracticable. 

I had not been in this jail many days, before a 
worthy and charitable woman, by the name of 
Mrs. Blacden, supplied me with a good dinner of 
fresh meats every day, with garden fruit, and 
sometimes with a bottle of wine ; notwithstanding 
which I had not been more than three weeks in 
this place before I lost my appetite to the most 
delicious food by the jail distemper, as also did 
sundry of the prisoners, particularly Sergeant 
Moore, a man of courage and fidelity. I have 
several times seen him hold the boatswain of the 
Solebay frigate, when he attempted to strike him, 
and laughed him out of conceit of using him as a 
slave. 

A doctor visited the sick, and did the best, as I 
suppose, he could for them, to no apparent purpose. 
I grew weaker and weaker, as did the rest. 
Several of them could not help themselves. At 
last I reasoned in my own mind that raw onion 
would be good. I made use of it, and found im- 
mediate relief by it, as did the sick in general, 
particularly Sergeant Moore, whom it recovered 
almost from the shades; though I had met with a 
little revival, still I found the malignant hand of 
Britain had greatly reduced my constitution with 
stroke upon stroke. Esquire Lovel and myself 
II 



154 Ethan Allen, 

used every argument and entreaty that could be 
well conceived of in order to obtain gentleman- 
like usage, to no purpose. I then wrote General 
Massey as severe a letter as I possibly could with 
my friend Lovel's assistance. The contents of it 
was to give the British, as a nation, and him as 
an individual, their true character. This roused 
the rascal, for he could not bear to see his and the 
nation's deformity in that transparent letter, which 
I sent him ; he therefore put himself in a great 
rage about it, and showed the letter to a number 
of British officers, particularly to Captain Smith 
of the Lark frigate, who instead of joining with 
him in disapprobation commended the spirit of 
it; upon which General Massey said to him, do 
you take the part of a rebel against me? Captain 
Smith answered that he rather spoke his senti- 
ments and there was a dissension in opinion be- 
tween them. Some officers took the part of the 
general and others of the captain. This I was in- 
formed of by a gentleman who had it from Captain . 
Smith. 

In a few days after this, the prisoners were or- 
dered to go on board of a man-of-war, which was 
bound for New York ; but two of them were not 
able to go on board, and were left at Halifax; one 
died ; and the other recovered. This was about 
the 1 2th of October, and soon after we had got on 
board, the captain sent for me in particular to 
come on the quarter deck. I went, not knowing 
that it was Captain Smith or his ship at that time, 



Imprisonment, 155 

and expected to meet the same rigorous usage I 
had commonly met with and prepared my mind 
accordingly ; but when I came on deck, the captain 
met me with his hand, welcomed me to his ship, 
invited me to dine with him that day, and assured 
me that I should be treated as a gentleman, and 
that he had given orders that I should be treated 
with respect by the ship's crew. This was so un- 
expected and sudden a transition that it drew tears 
from my eyes which all the ill usage I had before 
met with was not able to produce, nor could I at 
first hardly speak, but soon recovered myself and 
expressed my gratitude for so unexpected a favor ; 
and let him know that I felt anxiety of mind in 
reflecting that his situation and mine was such 
that it was not probable that it would ever be in 
my power to return the favor. Captain Smith re- 
plied that he had no reward in view, but only 
treated me as a gentleman ought to be treated; 
he said this is a mutable world, and one gentle- 
man never knows but it may be in his power to 
help another. Soon after I found this to be the 
same Captain Smith who took my part against 
General Massey ; but he never mentioned anything 
of it to me, and I thought it impolite in me to in- 
terrogate him as to any disputes which might 
have arisen between him and the general on my 
account, as I was a prisoner, and that it was at 
his option to make free with me on that subject if 
he pleased ; and if he did not, I might take it for 
granted that it would be unpleasing for me to 



156 Ethan Allen » 

query about it, though I had a strong propensity 
to converse with him on that subject. 

I dined with the captain agreeable to his invita- 
tion, and oftentimes with the lieutenant, in the 
gun-room, but in general ate and drank with my 
friend Lovel and the other gentlemen who were 
prisoners with me, where I also slept. 

We had a little berth inclosed with canvas, be- 
tween decks, where we enjoyed ourselves very 
well, in hopes of an exchange ; besides, our friends 
at Halifax had a little notice of our departure and 
supplied us with spirituous liquor, and many arti- 
cles of provisions for the cost. Captain Burk, 
having been taken prisoner, was added to our 
company (he had commanded an American armed 
vessel) and was generously treated by the captain 
and all the officers of the ship, as well as myself. 
We now had in all near thirty prisoners on board, 
and as we were sailing along the coast, if I recol- 
lect right, off Rhode Island, Captain Burk, with 
an under-officer of the ship, whose name I do not 
recollect, came to our little berth, proposed to kill 
Captain Smith and the principal officers of the 
frigate and take it ; adding that there were thirty- 
five thousand pounds sterling in the same. Cap- 
tain Burk likewise averred that a strong party out 
of the ship's crew was in the conspiracy, and urged 
me, and the gentleman that was with me, to use 
our influence with the private prisoners to execute 
the design, and take the ship with the cash into 
one of our own ports. 



Imprisonment. 157 

Upon which I replied that we had been too 
well used on board to murder the officers ; that I 
could by no means reconcile it to my conscience, 
and that, in fact, it should not be done ; and while 
I was yet speaking my friend Lovel confirmed 
what I had said, and farther pointed out the un- 
gratefulness of such an act ; that it did not fall short 
of murder, and in fine all the gentlemen in the 
berth opposed Captain Burk and his colleague. 
But they strenuously urged that the conspiracy 
would be found out, and that it would cost them 
their lives, provided they did not execute their 
design. I then interposed spiritedly and put an 
end to further argument on the subject, and told 
them that they might depend upon it upon my 
honor that I would faithfully guard Captain 
Smith's life. If they should attempt the assault I 
would assist him, for they desired me to remain 
neuter, and that the same honor that guarded 
Captain Smith's life would also guard theirs; and 
it was agreed by those present not to reveal the 
conspiracy, to the intent that no man should be 
put to death, in consequence of what had been 
projected; and Captain Burk, and his colleague 
went to stifle the matter among their associates. 
I could not help calling to mind what Captain 
Smith said to me, when I first came on board: 
"This is a mutable world, and one gentleman 
never knows but that it may be in his power to 
help another. " Captain Smith and his officers still 
behaved with their usual courtesy, and I never 
heard any more of the conspiracy. 



158 Ethan Allen, 

We arrived before New York, and cast anchor 
the latter part of October, where we remained 
several days, and where Captain Smith informed 
me that he had recommended me to Admiral 
Howe and General Sir William Howe, as a gentle- 
man of honor and veracity, and desired that I might 
be treated as such. Captain Burk was then or- 
dered on board a prison ship in the harbor. I 
took my leave of Captain Smith and, with the other 
prisoners, was sent on board a transport ship 
which lay in the harbor, commanded by Captain 
Craige, who took me into the cabin with him and 
his lieutenant. I fared as they did, and was in 
every respect well treated, in consequence of di- 
rections from Captain Smith. In a few weeks 
after this I had the happiness to part with my 
friend Lovel, for his sake, whom the enemy af- 
fected to treat as a private ; he was a gentleman 
of merit, and liberally educated, but had no com- 
mission ; they maligned him on account of his un- 
shaken attachment to the cause of his country. 
He was exchanged for a Governor Philip Skene 
of the British. I was continued in this ship till 
the latter part of November, where I contracted 
an acquaintance with a captain of the British ; his 
name has slipped my memory. He was what we 
may call a genteel, hearty fellow. I remember 
an expression of his over a bottle of wine, to this 
import : " That there is a greatness of soul for per- 
sonal friendship to subsist between you and me, 
as we are upon opposite sides, and may at another 



Imprisonment, 159 

d^y be obliged to face each other in the field. " I 
am confident that he was as faithful as any officer 
in the British army. At another sitting he offered 
to bet a dozen of wine that Fort Washington 
would be in the hands of the British in three days. 
I stood the bet, and would, had I known that that 
would have been the case ; and the third day after- 
ward we heard a heavy cannonade, and that day 
the fort was taken sure enough. Some months 
after, when I was on parole, he called upon me 
with his usual humor, and mentioned the bet. I 
acknowledged that I had lost it, but he said he 
did not mean to take it, then, as I was a prisoner ; 
that he would another day call upon me, when 
their army came to Bennington. I replied that he 
was quite too generous, as I had fairly lost it ; be- 
sides, the Green Mountain Boys would not suffer 
them to come to Bennington. This was all in good 
humor. I should have been glad to have seen 
him after the defeat at Bennington, but did not. 
It was customary for a guard to attend the pris- 
oners, which was often changed. One was com- 
posed of tories from Connecticut, in the vicinity 
of Fairfield and Green Farms. The sergeant's 
name was Hoit. They were very full of their in- 
vectives against the country, swaggered of their 
loyalty to their king, and exclaimed bitterly 
against the *' cowardly Yankees," as they were 
pleased to term them, but finally contented them- 
selves with saying that when the country was 
overcome they should be well rewarded for the^r 



i6o Ethan Allen. 

loyalty out of the estates of the whigs, which 
would be confiscated. This I found to be the 
general language of the tories, after I arrived 
from England on the American coast. I heard 
sundry of them relate, that the British generals 
had engaged them an ample reward for their 
losses, disappointments and expenditures, out of 
the forfeited rebels* estates. This language early 
taught me what to do with tories' estates, as far as 
my influence can go. For it is reall)'- a game of 
hazard between whig and tory. The whigs must 
inevitably have lost all, in consequence of the 
abilities of the tories, and their good friends the 
British ; and it is no more than right the tories 
should run the same risk, in consequence of the 
abilities of the whigs. But of this more will be 
observed in the sequel of this narrative. 

Some of the last days of November the prisoners 
were landed at New York, and I was admitted to 
parole with the other officers, viz. : Proctor, How- 
land, and Taylor. The privates were put into 
filthy churches in New York, with the distressed 
prisoners that were taken at Fort Washington; 
and the second night. Sergeant Roger Moore, who 
was bold and enterprising, found means to make 
his escape with every one of the remaining pris- 
oners that were taken with him, except three, who 
were soon after exchanged. So that out of thirty- 
one prisoners, who went with me the round ex- 
hibited in these sheets, two only died with the 
enemy, and three only were exchanged; one of 



Imprisonment, 1 6 1 

whom died after he came within our lines; all 
the rest, at different times, made their escape 
from the enemy. 

I now found myself on parole, and restricted to 
the limits of the city of New York, where I soon 
projected means to live in some measure agreeably 
to my rank, though I was destitute of cash. My 
constitution was almost worn out by such a long 
and barbarous captivity. The enemy gave out 
that I was crazy, and wholly unmanned, but my 
vitals held sound, nor was I delirious any more 
than I had been from youth up ; but my extreme 
circumstances, at certain times, rendered it politic 
to act in some measure the madman ; and in con- 
sequence of a regular diet and exercise, my blood 
recruited, and my nerves in a great measure re- 
covered their former tone, strength and useful- 
ness, in the course of six iponths. 



CHAPTER XIV. 

RELEASE FROM PRISON. WITH WASHINGTON AT VAL- 
LEY FORGE. THE HALDIMAND CORRESPONDENCE. 

Allen's narrative in the preceding chap- 
ter gives a picture of himself, of the times, 
and of the treatment of prisoners by the most 
civilized nation on earth. In January, 1777, 
with other American officers, he was quartered 
on Long Island. In August he was sent to 
the provost jail in New York. May 3, 1778, 
he was exchanged for Col. Alexander Camp- 
bell. Thus he was treated as a colonel, al- 
though he had no fixed official rank or title 
beyond that informally bestowed on him by 
Montgomery. He was entertained with gen- 
tlemanly courtesy for two days at General 
Campbell's headquarters on Staten Island, and 
then crossed New Jersey amid the acclama- 
tions of the people. 

For several days he was the guest of Wash- 
ington at Valley Forge. Here, eighteen miles 

northwest of Philadelphia, where the British 

162 



Release from Prison, 163 

army was revelling in luxury, Washington, 
witli three thousand men suffering from cold 
and hunger, was praying to God for guidance 
in so sore a strait. Baron Steuben was there 
fresh from the service of Frederic the Great, 
disciplining the raw recruits into veteran sol- 
diers never again to know defeat. There were 
Gates, attending a court-martial, and Putnam 
and Lafayette. These were among Allen's 
red-letter days; courteously entertained by 
some of the best soldiers of Europe and Amer- 
ica, and the favored guest of Washington, 
could Heaven reward him better for his long 
imprisonment? Here he writes a letter to 
Congress which Washington forwards in- 
closed with his own. Allen began the journey 
to his Vermont home in company with Gates, 
arriving in Fishkill on May 18, and in Ben- 
nington just four weeks after his release from 
prison. 

We now come to a chapter in Allen's life 
which the biographer must enter upon with a 
mind free from prejudice, and with a strong 
desire to assimilate the feelings of the age 
when our little commonwealth was in process 
of formation. About the close of the year 
1776, Allen being a prisoner on parole in 



164 Ethan Allen. 

New York, a Britisli officer of rank sent for 
him to come to his lodgings. He told him 
that his fidelity, although in a wrong cause, 
had recommended him to General Sir William 
Howe, who wished to make him the colonel of 
a regiment of tories. He proposed that Allen 
in a few days should go to England, be paid 
in gold instead of continental rag money, be 
introduced to Lord George Germaine and 
probably to the king, return to America with 
Burgoyne, assist in reducing the country, and 
receive a large tract of land in Vermont or 
Connecticut as he preferred. Allen replied: 
" If by fidelity I have recommended myself to 
General Howe, I shall be loath by unfaithful- 
ness to lose the general's good opinion; be- 
sides, I view the offer of land to be similar to 
that which the devil offered our Saviour, *to 
give him all the kingdoms of the world to fall 
down and worship him, * when the poor devil 
had not one foot of land on earth." 

Mr. B. F. Stevens, an American resident of 
London, and an indefatigable collector of doc- 
uments relating to early American history 
gathered from the British archives, furnishes 
a letter written by Alexander C. Wedderburn, 
solicitor-general, on the morning of December 



Release from Prison. 165 

27, 1775, to William Eden, tinder- secretary 
of state. On the same day at noon a cabinet 
meeting was to be held at which was to be 
considered the disposition to be made of Ethan 
Allen and other prisoners who had reached 
England five days before. The "Lord S." 
referred to is Lord Suffolk, secretary of state, 
and the " Attorney" is Lord Edward Therlow, 
attorney-general : 

Dear Eden : — I shall certainly attend Lord S. 
at 12 o'clock. My idea of the Business does not 
differ much from the Attorney's. My thoughts 
have been employed upon it ever since I saw you, 
and I am persuaded some unlucky incident must 
arise if Allen and his People are kept here. It 
must be understood that Government does not 
mean to execute them, the Prosecution will be re- 
miss and the Disposition of some People to thwart 
it very active. I would therefore send them back, 
but I think something more might be done than 
merely to return them as Prisoners to America. 
Allen, by Kay's [William Kay, secret service agent 
at Montreal] account, took up arms because he 
was dispossessed of Lands he had settled between 
Hampshire and New York, in consequence of an 
order of Council settling the boundary of these two 
provinces, and had balanced for some time wheth- 
er to have recourse to ye Rebels or to Mr. Carle- 
ton [governor-general of the Province of Quebec]. 



1 66 Ethan Allen. 

The doubt of being well received by the latter de- 
termined him to join the former, and Kay adds 
that he is a bold, active fellow. I would then 
send to him a Person of Confidence with this Pro- 
posal : that his case had been favorably represented 
to Government; that the injury he had suffered 
was some Alleviation for his crime, and that it 
arose from an Abuse of an order of Council which 
was never meant to dispossess the Settlers in the 
Lands in debate between ye two provinces. If he 
has a mind to return to his duty He may not only 
have his pardon from Gen. Howe but a Company 
of Rangers, and in the event if He behaves well 
His lands restored on these terms, he and his men 
shall be sent back to Boston at liberty ; if he does 
not accept them he and they must be disposed of 
as the Law directs. If he should behave well it 
is an Acquisition. If not there is still an Advan- 
tage in finding a decent reason for not immediately 
proceeding against him as a Rebel. Some of the 
People who came over in the Ship with him, or 
perhaps Kay himself, might easily settle this bar- 
gain if it is set about directly. 

Yours ever, A. C. W. 

A correspondent of the Burlington Free 
Press, January 7, 1887, adds this comment: 

That it was agreed to in the cabinet appears 
in the fact that on the very 27th December, 1775, 
Lord George Germaine of the admiralty ordered 
that Allen and his associates be returned to General 



Release from Prison. 167 

Howe in Boston. Howe evacuated Boston March 
16, 1776, went to Halifax, and thence to New 
York. Allen followed him round and was ulti- 
mately a prisoner on parole until the 6th of May, 
1778, when he was exchanged for Col. Archibald 
Campbell. While he was on parole the " Person 
of Confidence" was found to make the proposal 
suggested by Wedderburn, and Allen mentions 
this in the narrative of his captivity. 

Who was the British officer of high rank 
whom Howe employed to buy up Allen we do 
not know, but the American whom Clinton 
employed we do know: Beverly Robinson, a 
Virginian, made wealthy by marriage with 
Susanna Phillipse, sister of Mary Phillipse, for 
whom Washington had an attachment. He 
was the son of a lieutenant-governor, and an 
early associate of Washington. In 1780 oc- 
curred this third attempt to buy Allen. Rob- 
inson was the man selected to make the prop- 
osition. Ethan Allen was the man selected 
to be bribed: not Governor Chittenden; not 
the soldiers Roger Enos or Seth Warner; not 
the diplomat, the treasurer, the financier of the 
State, Ira Allen ; not the young lawyers Na- 
thaniel Chipman or S. R. Bradley ; but the man 
who had been tempted in England and tempted 



1 68 Ethan Allen. 

in New York, the man whose loyalty had not 
been shaken by the endurance of British bru- 
tality for two and one-half years. The 
time to hope for success would seem to have 
been December, 1775, on English soil, when 
he had reasonable grounds to fear being hung 
for treason, or in New York, in 1777, when 
Washington had been driven out of Long Isl- 
and, out of New York City, and chased across 
New Jersey. This time chosen was in 1780, 
when Congress had alienated Vermont by ig- 
noring her claims to federation, and had treated 
her with such contempt that there was almost 
no hope of her joining the United States. 

Long Island knew of Ethan's temptation be- 
fore he did. The air was full of it. The con- 
tents of Robinson's letter were known to the 
tories before Allen received it. The letter 
written in February was delivered in July. 
Washington heard in July that Allen was in 
New York selling himself to the British. 
Schuyler had spies everywhere. They re- 
ported Allen in Canada. General James Clin- 
ton suspected Allen. The correspondence and 
flag for cartel smelt of treason. Washington 
had tried to effect an exchange of prisoners, 
and failed. His letter to Haldimand was un- 



Release from Prison, 169 

answered. Goocli had applied, in July, to 
Washington, and Allen wrote to Washington 
at the request of the governor. Washington 
replied he could not prefer Warner's men to 
those who had been prisoners longer, but here 
the correspondence languished. 

In the Magazine of A^nerican History, pub- 
lished in New York, January, 1887, is an arti- 
cle entitled " A Curious Chapter in Vermont's 
History," dated Ottawa, Canada, November, 
1886, signed J. L. Payne, in which the writer 
says there are hundreds of manuscripts in the 
Canadian archives which prove that Vermont 
narrowly escaped becoming a British prov- 
ince. The chief evidence that he furnishes is 
extracts from the letters of Capt. Justus Sher- 
wood, commissioner for General Haldimand, 
Governor of Canada. These letters indicate 
that on October 26, 1780, Sherwood left Mil- 
ler Bay with five privates, a flag, drum, and 
fife. On October 28th he is ^at Herrick's 
Camp, a Vermont frontier post of three hun- 
dred men. He is blindfolded and taken to 
Colonel Herrick's room. He tells Herrick 
that he is sent by Major Carleton to negotiate a 
cartel for the exchange of prisoners, and that 

he had dispatches from Governor Haldimand 
12 



170 Ethan Allen. 

and Major Carleton to Governor Chittenden and 
Governor Allen. Next Sherwood is at Allen's 
headquarters in Castleton, and Allen having 
promised absolute secrecy, Sherwood informs 
him that : 

General Haldimand was no stranger to their 
disputes with the other States respecting juris- 
diction, and that his excellency was perfectly well 
informed of all that had lately passed between 
congress and Vermont, and of the fixed intentions 
of congress never to consent to Vermont's being 
a separate State. General Haldimand felt that in 
this congress was only duping them, and waited 
for a favorable opportunity to crush them; and 
therefore it was proper for them to cast off the 
congressional yoke and resume their former alle- 
giance to the king of Great Britain, by doing 
which they would secure to themselves those 
privileges they had so long contended for with 
New York. 

Allen is reported by Sherwood as replying 
that he was attached to the interests of Ver- 
mont, and that nothing but the continued tyr- 
anny of Congress could drive him from alle- 
giance to the United States ; but " Should he 
have any proposals to make to General Haldi- 
mand hereafter, they would be nearly as fol- 
lows: He will expect to command his own 



Release from Prison, 171 

forces. Vermont must be a government sep- 
arate from and independent of any other Prov- 
ince in America ; must chose their own officers 
and civil representatives ; be entitled to all the 
privileges of the other states offered by the 
King's commissioners, and the New Hamp- 
shire Grants as chartered by Benning Went- 
worth, Governor of New Hampshire, must be 
confirmed free from any patents or claims from 
New York or other Provinces. He desires me 
to inform His Excellency that a revolution of 
this nature must be the work of time. ... If , 
however. Congress should grant Vermont a 
seat in that Assembly as a separate State, then 
this negotiation to be at an end and be kept 
secret on both sides." 

On May 7, 1781, Ira Allen visited Canada, 
and concerning a conference with him Captain 
Sherwood reports to the governor : 

He says matters are not yet ripe. Governor 
Chittenden, General Allen and the major part of 
the leading men are anxious to bring about a neu- 
trality, and are fully convinced that Congress 
never intends to confirm them as a separate State ; 
but they dare not at this time make any separate 
agreement with Great Britain until the populace 
are better modelled for the purpose. 



1/2 Ethan Allen. 

A few days later Captain Sherwood reports 
to the governor: 

Those suspicious circumstances, with the great 
opinion Allen [referring to Col. Ira Allen] seems 
to entertain of the mighty power and consequence 
of Vermont, induce me to think they flatter them- 
selves with the belief that, if Britain should in- 
vade them, the neighboring colonies rather than 
lose them as a frontier would protect them, and, 
on the other hand, should congress invade them, 
they could easily be admitted to a union with 
Britain at the latest hour, which they would at 
the last extremity choose as the least of two evils ; 
for Allen says they hate congress like the devil, 
and have not yet a very good opinion of Britain. 
Sometimes I am inclined, from Allen's discourse, 
to hope and almost believe that they are endeavor- 
ing to prepare for a reunion. To this I suppose 
I am somewhat inclined by my anxious desire that 
it may be so. 

Upon Col. Ira Allen's return to Vermont, 
Captain Sherwood reports : 

I believe Allen has gone with a full determi- 
nation to do his utmost for a reunion, and I believe 
he will be seconded by Governor Chittenden, his 
brother Ethan Allen and a few others, all acting 
from interest, without any principle of loyalty. 



CHAPTER XV. 

Vermont's treatment by congress. — Allen's let- 
ters TO colonel WEBSTER AND TO CONGRESS. — 
reasons FOR BELIEVING ALLEN A PATRIOT. 

The conduct of Congress in asking New 
York, Massacliusetts, and New Hampshire to 
empower it to settle Vermont, without allow- 
ing her to act as a party but allowing her to 
look on, dallying and postponing the measure 
indefinitely, indicated New York's control of 
Congress, and, as might have been expected, 
Vermont's prowess and pluck would not sub- 
mit to organic annihilation without a fight. 
The British, under advice from home, might 
easily strive to take advantage of the bitter 
feelings engendered. Congress was struggling 
with the question of the ownership of western 
lands. Virginia and New York claimed al- 
most all, the former by virtue of Clarke's con- 
quests and the latter by purchase of the Iro- 
quois, both shadowy, attenuated claims. The 
smaller States wanted Vermont in the Union- 

173 



174 Ethan Allen. 

to vote against these claims. Ethan Allen's 
letters, showing the turmoil of feeling in Ver- 
mont, as well as his own patriotism, have of- 
ten been quoted. 

To Colonel Webster he wrote : 

Sir: — Last evening I received a flag from Major 
Carleton commanding the British forces at Crown 
Point, with proposals from General Haldimand, 
commander-in-chief in Canada, for settling a cartel 
for the exchange of prisoners. Major Carleton 
has pledged his faith that no hostilities shall be 
committed on any posts or scouts within the lim- 
its of this state during the negotiation. Lest 
your state [New York] should suffer an incursion 
in the interim of time, I have this day dispatched 
a flag to Major Carleton, requesting that he ex- 
tend cessation of hostilities on the northern parts 
and frontiers of New York. You will therefore 
conduct your affairs as to scouts, &c. , only on the 
defensive until you hear further from me. 

I am, &c., Ethan Allen. 

To Colonel Webster. To be communicated to Colonel 
Williams and the posts on your frontier. 

He also wrote to Colonel Webster: 

Rupert, about break of day 

of the 31st October, 1780. 
Sir: — Maj. Ebenezer Allen who commands at 
Pittsford has sent an express to me at this place, 



Vermont's Treatment by Congress. 175 

informing me that one of his scouts at i or 2 
o'clock P.M. on the 29th instant, from Chimney 
Point, discovered four or five ships and gun-boats 
and batteaux, the lake covered and black, all 
making sail to Ticonderoga, skiffs flying to and 
from the vessels to the batteaux giving orders, 
and the foregoing quoted from the letter verbatim. 
But I cannot imagine that Major Carleton will vi- 
olate his truce. I have sent Major Clarke with a 
flag to Major Carleton, particularly to confirm the 
truce on my part, and likewise to intercede in 
behalf of the frontiers of New York. What the 
motion of the British may be, or their design, I 
know not. You must judge for yourself. I send 
out scouts to further discover the object of the 
enemy. Maj. [Ebenezer] Allen thinks they have 
a design against your state. 
From your humble servant, 

Ethan Allen. 

He wrote to the president of Congress : 

Sunderland, 9 March, 1781. 
Sir : — Inclosed I transmit your excellency two 
letters which I received under the signature 
thereto annexed, that they may be laid before con- 
gress. Shall make no comments on them, but 
submit the disposal of them to their consideration. 
They are the identical and only letters I ever re- 
ceived from him, and to which I have never re- 
turned any manner of answer, nor have I ever had 



1/6 Ethan Allen, 

the least personal acquaintance with him, directly 
'or indirectly. The letter of the 2d February, 
1 78 1, I received a few days afore with a duplicate 
of the other, which I received the latter part of 
July last past, in the high road in Arlington, 
which I laid before Governor Chittenden and a 
number of other principal gentlemen of the state 
(within ten minutes after I received it) for advice ; 
the result, after mature deliberation, and consider- 
ing the extreme circumstances of the state, was to 
take no further notice of the matter. The reasons 
of such a procedure are very obvious to people of 
this state, when they consider that congress has 
previously claimed an exclusive right of arbitrat- 
ing on the existence of Vermont as a separate 
government. New York, New Hampshire and 
Massachusetts Bay at the same time claiming this 
territory, either in whole or in part, and exerting 
their influence to make schisms among the citizens, 
thereby in a considerable degree weakening this 
government and exposing its inhabitants to the 
incursions of the British troops and their savage 
allies from the province of Quebec. It seems 
that those governments, regardless of Vermont's 
contiguous situation to Canada, do not consider 
that their northern frontiers have been secured by 
her, nor of the merit of this state in a long and 
hazardous war, but have flattered themselves with 
the expectation that this state could not fail (their 
help) to be desolated by a foreign enemy, and that 
their exorbitant claims and avaricious designs may 



Vermont's Treatment by Congress, 177 

at some future period take place in this district of 
country. Notwithstanding those complicated em- 
barrassments, and I might add discouragements, 
Vermont during the last campaign defended her 
frontiers, and at the close of it opened a truce 
with General Haldimand (who commands the 
British troops in Canada) in order to settle a cartel 
for the mutual exchange of prisoners, which 
continued near four weeks in the same situation, 
during which time Vermont secured the northern 
frontiers of her own, and that of the state of New 
York in consequence of my including the latter in 
the truce, although that government could have 
but little claim to my protection. I am confident 
that congress will not dispute my sincere attach- 
ment to the cause of my country, though I do not 
hesitate to say I am fully grounded in opinion 
that Vermont has indubitable right to agree on 
terms of cessation of hostilities with Great Britain, 
provided the United States persist in rejecting 
her application for a union with them, for Ver- 
mont of all people would be the most miserable 
were she obliged to defend the independence of 
United States and they at the same time claiming 
full liberty to overturn and ruin the independence 
of Vermont. I am persuaded when congress 
considers the circumstances of this state, they will 
be more surprised that I have transmitted them 
the inclosed letters than that I have kept them in 
custody so long, for I am as resolutely determined 
to defend the independence of Vermont, as con- 



178 Ethan Allen. 

gress are that of the United States, and, rather 
than fail, will retire with hardy Green Moun- 
tain Boys into the desolate caverns of the moun- 
tains and wage war with human nature at large. 
(Signed) Ethan Allen. 
His Excellency Samuel Huntingdon, Esq. , Pres. of Con- 
gress. 

Allen wrote to General Schuyler: 

Bennington, May 15, 1781. 

A flag which I sent last fall to the British com- 
manding officer at Crown Point, and which was 
there detained near one month, on their return 
gave me to understand that they [the British], at 
several different times, threatened to captivate your 
own person : said that it had been in their power 
to take some of your family the last campaign 
[during Carleton's invasion in October, 1780, prob- 
ably], but that they had an eye to yourself. I 
must confess that such conversation before my flag 
seems rather flummery than real premeditated 
design. However, that there was such conversa- 
tion I do not dispute, which you will make such 
improvement of as you see fit. I shall conclude 
with assuring your honor, that notwithstanding 
the late reports, or rather surmises of my corre- 
sponding with the enemy to the prejudice of the 
United States, it is wholly without foundation. 

I am, sir, with due respect, your honor's obe- 
dient and humble servant, 

Ethan Allen. 
To General Schuyler. 



Vermont's Treatment by Congress. 179 

The following letter, believed by some peo- 
ple to have been written by Allen to General 
Haldimand, June 16, 1782, though unsigned, 
contains what is considered by his traducers 
damning evidence : 

Sir : — I have to acquaint your excellency that I 
had a long conference with ... [a British agent] 
last night. He tells me that through the channel 
of A [Sherwood] he had to request me in your 
name to repair to the shipping on Lake Cham- 
plain, to hold a personal conference with his [your] 
excellency. But as the bearer is now going to 
get out of my house to repair to his excellency, 
and would have set out yesterday had not the in- 
telligence of the arrival of . . . postponed it 
until to-day. I thought it expedient to wait your 
excellency reconsidering the matter, after dis- 
cussing the peculiar situation of both the external 
and internal policy of this state with the gentle- 
man who will deliver this to you, and shall have, 
by the time your excellency has been acquainted 
with the state of the facts now existing, time to 
bring about a further and more extended connec- 
tion in favor of the British interest which is now 
working at the general assembly at Windsor, near 
the Connecticut River. The last refusal of Con- 
gress to admit this state into union has done more 
to awaken the common people to a sense of that 
interest and resentment of their conduct than all 
which they had done before. By their own ac- 



i8o Ethan Allen, 

count, they declare that Vermont does not and 
shall not belong to their confederacy. The con- 
sequence is, that they may fight their own battles. 
It is liberty which they say they are after, but will 
not extend it to Vermont. Therefore Vermont 
does not belong either to the confederacy or the 
controversy, but are a neutral republic. All the 
frontier towns are firm with these gentlemen in 
the present administration of government, and, 
to speak within bounds, they have a clear majority 
of the rank and file in their favor. I am, etc. 

N. B. — If it should be your excellency's pleasure, 
after having conversed with the gentleman who 
will deliver these lines, that I should wait on your 
excellency at any part of Lake Champlain, I will 
do it, except I should find that it would hazard my 
life too much. There is a majority in congress, 
and a number of the principal officers of the con- 
tinental army continually planning against me. I 
shall do everything in my power to render this 
state a British province. 

Ira Allen, that shrewd politician, says of the 
letter : 

This we consider a political proceeding to pre- 
vent the British forces from invading this State. 

Our reasons for believing Ethan Allen al- 
ways a patriot are : 

First. His known faithfulness to the Ameri- 
can cause in every case. 



Vermont's Treatment by Co7igress. i8l 

Second. His hatred of the British and con- 
temptuous rejection of their proffers of honor 
and emoluments when in their power and in 
no personal danger if he accepted them. 

Third. His natural obstinacy in clinging to 
a cause he had espoused. 

Fourth. The repeated efforts of the Ver- 
mont government, in which Allen was en- 
gaged, to induce Congress to admit it to the 
Union continued during the negotiation. 

Fifth. At Allen's request the truce offered 
by the British included New York's eastern 
frontier, and Vermont promptly responded to 
all calls upon her for help. 

Sixth. There is reason to believe that Gen- 
eral Washington was informed by General Al- 
len, in advance of the Haldimand negotiations, 
of their purpose. 

The state's peculiar frontier, threatened by 
Canada, unsupported by the other states, dis- 
turbed by internal dissensions, unable to defend 
herself by force, made it necessary to use strat- 
egy. No authority was given the commission- 
ers by the executive or by the legislature to 
treat of anything but an exchange of prisoners. 
There is no record that I can find that an ef- 
fort was made at any time to induce Vermont- 



1 82 Ethan Allen, 

ers at large to consider the subject of a British 
■union. Indeed, Governor Chittenden, in 1793, 
giving a list of those in the secret, mentions 
only eight, although Ira Allen said, in 1781, 
that more were added. 

It seems to me that Allen shows in this cor- 
respondence the talent of a diplomat, a talent 
which our state needed in its formative period 
to supplement the audacity of the hardy Green 
Mountain Boys. There could be no question 
of disloyalty to the United States, because Ver- 
mont had never belonged to them. He was 
intensely loyal to his own state, for whose wel- 
fare he strove, and if Congress still refused to 
admit her to the Union, there was no other re- 
source than to ally her with Great Britain in 
self-defence. 



CHAPTER XVI. 

ALLEN WITH GATES. AT BENNINGTON. — DAVID RED- 
DING. REPLY TO CLINTON. EMBASSIES TO CON- 
GRESS. COMPLAINT AGAINST BROTHER • LEVL — 

ALLEN IN COURT. 

When Allen bade adieu to Washington at 
Valley Forge, he rode on horseback to Fish- 
kill with General Gates and suite, arriving at 
that place on the i8th of May, 1778, the very 
day his brother Heman died at Salisbury. 
The six or eight days occupied by the trip 
across New Jersey seems to have been one of 
unalloyed enjoyment to the hero of Ticonde- 
roga. He tells us that Gates treated him with 
the generosity of a lord and the freedom of a 
boon companion. That this intercourse im- 
pressed Gates favorably with Allen his corre- 
spondence with General Stark later demon- 
strates. On Sunday evening, the 31st of May, 
Allen arrived at Bennington. The town be- 
ing orthodox and Congregationalist, Sunday is 
observed with Puritanic severity, but he finds 

183 



1 84 Ethan Allen. 

the people too jubilant for religious solemnity. 
The old iron six-pound cannon from Fort Hoo- 
sac is brought out and fired in honor of the 
new state of Vermont. 

What changes have taken place during his 
three years' absence! His only son is dead; 
his wife and four daughters are in Sunderland ; 
two brothers have become state officers. Levi 
Allen, one of the foremost Green Mountain 
Boys in 1775, has now become a tory. Bur- 
goyne has swept along the western borders 
and has been captured. Allen's old followers, 
under Seth Warner, have won renown at Que- 
bec, Montreal, Hubbardston, Bennington, Sar- 
atoga, and Ticonderoga. The constitution has 
been formed and the state government organ- 
ized. A legislature has been elected, held one 
session, and adjourned to meet again this 
week. 

One of the great spectacles of the Anglo- 
Saxon civilization had been appointed for this 
time and place. A criminal, David Redding, 
convicted of treason, was to be executed. 
Upon a petition for rehearing on the ground 
that he had been convicted by a jury of only 
six men, the governor had reprieved Redding 
until Thursday, the nth. The news of the 



Allen with Gates. 185 

reprieve, noised through the town, called to- 
gether a disappointed and angry crowd, in the 
midst of which Allen appeared, mounted a 
stump, and cried: "Attention, the whole!" 
He then expressed his sympathy with the peo- 
ple, explained the illegality of the trial, and 
told them to go home and return in a week, 
and they " shall see a man hung ; if not Red- 
ding, I will be," and the appeased crowed peace- 
ably dispersed. In the next trial Allen was 
appointed state's attorney to prosecute Red- 
ding, who was condemned. 

Soon Allen's attention is called to the con- 
troversy between New York and Vermont. 
In the preceding February, after the consti- 
tution was adopted, before the government 
was inaugurated, Governor Clinton, of New 
York, issued a proclamation ostentatious with 
apparent clemency and generosity. Ethan 
Allen was selected as the proper man to ex- 
pose the pompous fraud. Clinton began by 
saying that the disaffection existing in Ver- 
mont was partially justified by the atrocious 
acts of the British government while New 
York was a colony, the act of outlawry which 
sentenced Allen and others to death without 
trial, the fees and unjust preference in grants 
13 



1 86 Ethan Allen, 

to servants of the crown over honest settlers, 
and he offered to discharge all claims under 
the outlawry act, to reduce the New York 
quit-rents to the New Hampshire rate, to make 
the fees of patents reasonable, and to confirm 
all grants made by New Hampshire and Mas- 
sachusetts. 

Allen replied, in a pamphlet, that the British 
act of outlawry had been dead by its own pro- 
vision two and a half years, no thanks to Clin- 
ton ; that most of the grants of New Hampshire 
and Massachusetts had been covered by New 
York patents, and that, as a matter of law, it 
was impossible for New York to cancel her 
former patents and confirm the New Hamp- 
shire grants, and he cited the opinion of the 
lords of trade to that effect. 

But Vermont was in a dangerous position in 
reference to New Hampshire. A portion of 
that state had seceded and united with Ver- 
mont. The two states had fought side by 
side, but now New Hampshire had become 
unfriendly and remained so for years. The 
governor and council, perplexed with the diffi- 
culty, appointed Allen an agent to visit Con- 
gress and ask for advice. This is his first 
embassy from Vermont to Congress. He re- 



Allen with Gates, 187 

ported that "unless the union with New 
Hampshire towns is dissolved the nation will 
annihilate Vermont." 

His second embassy was with Jonas Fay, in 
1779, to inform Congress of the progress of 
affairs in Vermont. 

His third embassy was in 1780, when he was 
chosen by the legislature as the chairman of 
a very able and eminent committee, Stephen 
R. Bradley, Moses Robinson, Paul Spooner, 
and Jonas Fay, to act as counsel for Vermont 
before Congress against the ablest men of New 
York and New Hampshire. 

In 1779 he was sent to the Massachusetts 
court with a letter from the governor asking 
for a statement of Massachusetts' claim to 
Vermont. The reply was that Massachusetts 
claimed west from the Merrimac, and three 
miles further north, to the Pacific. This in- 
cluded part of Vermont. 

It is noteworthy that Allen was elected a 
member of the legislature from Arlington 
while his family lived in Sunderland, and he 
called Bennington his "usual home." It is 
notable, also, that the constitution required 
every member of the legislature to take an 
oath that he believed in the divine inspiration 



1 88 Ethan Allen, 

of the Bible and professed the Protestant re- 
ligion, an oath which Allen refused to take, 
and yet was allowed to act as a member. 

It was in 1778 that Allen complained to the 
court of confiscation that his brother Levi had 
become a tory; had passed counterfeit Con- 
tinental money ; that under pretence of helping 
him while a prisoner on Long Island, he had 
been detected in supplying the British with 
provisions. He stated that Levi owned real 
estate in Vermont and prayed that that estate 
might be confiscated to the public treasury. 
For this act Levi afterward challenged Ethan 
to a duel, but Ethai;i took no notice of the chal- 
lenge. 

In the spring of 1779 the Yorkers in Wind- 
ham County wrote to Governor Clinton that 
unless New York aided them, "our persons 
and property must be at the disposal of Ethan 
Allen ; which is more to be dreaded than death 
with all its terrors.** 

In May the superior court sat at Westmin- 
ster. Thirty-six Yorkers were in jail. Their 
offence consisted in rescuing two cows from 
an officer who had seized them because their 
owners had refused to do military duty on the 
frontier or to pay for substitutes. Ethan Al- 



Allen with Gates, 189 

len was there by order of Governor Chitten- 
den, with one hundred Green Mountain Boys, 
to aid the court. Three prisoners were dis- 
charged for want of evidence, three more be- 
cause they were minors. Allen, hearing of 
this, entered the court-room in his military 
dress, large three-cornered hat profusely orna- 
mented with gold lace, and a large sword 
swinging by his side. Breathless with haste, 
he bowed to Chief Justice Robinson and be- 
gan attacking the attorneys. Robinson told 
him the court would gladly listen to him as a 
citizen, but not as a military man in a military 
dress. Allen threw his hat on the table and 
unbuckled his sword, exclaiming: " For forms 
of government let fools contest; whate'er is 
best administered is best." Observing the 
judges whispering together, he said : " I said 
that fools might contest, not your honors, not 
your honors," To the state's attorney, Noah 
3mith, he said: " I would have the young gen- 
tleman know that with my logic and reasoning 
from the eternal fitness of things, I can upset 
his Blackstones, his whitestones, his grave- 
stones, and his brimstones." Then he con- 
tinued : 



1 90 Ethan Allen. 

Fifty miles I have come through the woods with 
my brave men to support the civil with the mili- 
tary arm, to quell any disturbances should they 
arise, and to aid the sheriff and court in prosecut- 
ing these Yorkers, the enemies of our noble State. 
I see, however, that some of them, by the quirks 
of this artful lawyer, Bradley, are escaping from 
the punishment they so richly deserve, and I find 
also, that this little Noah Smith is far from under- 
standing his business, since he at one moment 
moves for a prosecution and in the next wishes to 
withdraw it. Let me warn your honors to be on 
your guard lest these delinquents should slip 
through your fingers and thus escape the rewards 
so justly due their crimes. 

Allen then put on his hat, buckled on his 
sword, and departed with great dignity. 



CHAPTER XVII. 

ALLEN AT GUILFORD. " ORACLES OF REASON." — JOHN 

STARK. ST. JOHN DE CREVECCEUR. HONORS TO 

ALLEN. shay's REBELLION. SECOND MAR- 
RIAGE. 

In 1782 the rebellious York element in 
Windham County again called Ethan to the 
field. In Guilford forty-six men ambushed 
and fired on Allen's party in the evening. 
Allen, knowing the terror of his name, enter- 
ing Guilford on foot, uttered this proclama- 
tion : "I, Ethan Allen, do declare that I will 
give no quarter to the man, woman, or child 
who shall oppose me, and unless the inhabi- 
tants of Guilford peacefully submit to the au- 
thority o^ Vermont, I swear that I will lay it 
as desolate as Sodom and Gomorrah by God." 

In 1784 Allen published a book entitled 
" Reason, the Only Oracle of Man : or, A Com- 
pendious System of Natural Religion." In 
this book Allen endeavored to prove that the 
Bible was not inspired, but he declared it a 

191 



192 Ethan Allen, 

necessity that a future life of rewards and pun- 
ishments follow the good and evil of this life. 
His idea of the Deity is expressed in these 
words : 

The knowledge of the being, perfections, cre- 
ation and providence of God and the immortality 
of our souls is the foundation of our religion. 

This book contained 487 pages. Fifteen 
hundred copies were issued, but most of them 
were destroyed by the burning of the printing 
office. Allen wrote to a friend : 

In this book you read my very soul, for I have 
not concealed my opinion. I expect that the 
clergy and their devotees will proclaim war with 
me in the name of the Lord. 

Sometimes Allen is too profane to be re- 
peated, sometimes too frivolous for sacred sub- 
jects. Speaking of his prospects of being hung 
in England, he said: 

As to the world of spirits, though I know noth- 
ing of the mode or manner of it, I expected never- 
theless, when I should arrive at such a world, 
that I should be as well treated as other gentle- 
men of my merit. 

Among the pleasant friends that Allen 
formed at this time was John Stark. The 



Allen at Guilford, 193 

hero of Ticonderoga had never met the hero 
of Bennington. Three weeks after Allen \s 
arrival in Bennington, Stark wrote to him pro- 
posing an interview at Albany, where he was 
stationed as brigadier-general in command of 
the northern department. He also wrote to 
General Gates: 

I should be very glad to have Colonel Ethan 
Allen command in the grants, as he is a very 
suitable man to deal with tories and such like 
villains. 

Four days later Gates wrote Stark : 

I now inclose two letters, one to Colonel Ethan 
Allen and one to Colonel Bedel ... it may not 
be amiss to take Colonel Allen's opinion on the 
subject, with whom I wish you to open a corre- 
spondence. 

Another pleasant episode in Allen's life was 
his association with St. John de Crevecoeur, 
who was the French consul in New York for 
ten years following the revolution. Sieur 
Crevecoeur married an American Quakeress, 
bought a farm which he cleared, wrote a book 
in English called " Letters from an American 
Farmer," and three volumes in French about 
upper Pennsylvania and New York. He wrote 



194 Ethan Allen, 

to Ethan Allen proposing to have the Vermont 
state seal engraved in silver by the king's 
best engravers, asked for maps of the state, 
suggested naming some towns after French 
statesmen who had befriended America. (St. 
Johnsbury was named for Crevecoeur.) He 
asked Allen for copies of his " Oracles of Rea- 
son" and also for some seeds. 

Instances multiply showing the prominence 
of Ethan Allen in the new state. During 
Shay's rebellion in Massachusetts, before at- 
tempting to seize the United States arsenal at 
Springfield, he sent two of his principal offi- 
cers to Ethan Allen offering to him the com- 
mand of the Massachusetts insurgents, repre- 
senting one-third of the population of that 
state. Allen rejected the offer with contempt 
and ordered the messengers to leave the state. 
He also wrote to the governor of Massachu- 
setts and Colonel Benjamin Simmons, of west- 
ern Massachusetts, informing them of the ef- 
forts made in Vermont by malcontents from 
that state, and that Vermont was exerting her- 
self vigorously to prevent the evil consequences 
of the insurgents' action, and promising the 
most cordial co-operation in the future. 

The incidents of Allen's life and his writ- 



Allen at Guiljord, 195 

ings are not published in any one volume, but 
are scattered through ill-bound primers, are 
found in fiction, in addresses, and in huge 
double-column tomes which are not accessible 
to the people. 

The story of his second marriage gives a 
vivid picture of the rough-and-ready audacious 
soldier. On the 9th of February, 1784, the 
judges of the supreme court were at break- 
fast with lawyer Stephen R. Bradley, of West- 
minster, when General Allen, in a sleigh with 
a span of dashing black horses and a colored 
driver, drove up to the house. Passing through 
the breakfast-room, he found in the next room 
the spirited young widow of twenty-four sum- 
mers, Mrs. Frances Buchanan, who was living 
in the house with her mother, Mrs. Wall. 
Dressed in her morning gown, Mrs. Buchanan 
was standing on a chair arranging china and 
glass on some upper shelves. She amused her 
visitor with some witticism about the broken 
decanter in her hands; a brief chat ensued, 
then Allen said : " Fanny, if we are ever to be 
married, now is the time, for I am on my way 
to Arlington." 

"Very well," she replied; "give me time to 
put on my josie." 



196 Ethan Allen, 

The couple passed into a third room, where 
the judges were smoking, and Allen said : 

"Jtidge Robinson, this young woman and 
myself have concluded to marry each other, 
and to have you perform the ceremony." 

"When?" 

'' Now ! For myself I have no great opinion 
of such formality, and from what I can dis- 
cover she thinks as little of it as I do. But as 
a decent respect for the opinion of mankind 
seems to require it, you will proceed." 

" General, this is an important matter, and 
have you given it serious consideration?" 

"Certainly; but," here the general glanced 
proudly at his handsome and accomplished 
bride, twenty-two years younger than himself, 
perhaps also conscious of his own mature, stal- 
wart symmetry, " I do not think it requires 
much consideration in this particular case." 

" Do you promise to live with Frances agree- 
ably to the law of God?" 

"Stop! stop!" cried Allen, looking out of 
the window. "Yes, according to the law of 
God as written in the great book of Nature. 
Go on! go on! my team is at the door." 

Soon the bride's guitar and trunk were in 



Allen at Guilford. 197 

the sleigh and the bells jingled merrily as they 
dashed westward. 

Before his second marriage John Norton, a 
tavern-keeper of Westminster, said : 

" Fanny, if you marry General Allen you will 
be the queen of a new state." 

"Yes," she replied, "and if I should marry 
the devil I would be queen of hell." 

The children of the second marriage were 
three : one daughter who died in a nunnery 
in Montreal, and two sons who became officers 
in the United States Army and died at Nor- 
folk, Va. Ethan Allen, of New York, is a 
grandson of the second wife. 



CHAPTER XVIII. 

DEATH. CIVILIZATION IN ALLEN's TIME. — ESTIMATES 

OF ALLEN. RELIGIOUS FEELING IN VERMONT. 

MONUMENTS. 

In 1787 Allen moved to Burlington, where, 
for the last two years of his life, he devoted 
himself to farming. Through a partial failure 
of the crops in 1789, Allen found himself short 
of hay in the winter. Col. Ebenezer Allen, 
who lived in South Hero, an island near Bur- 
lington, offered to supply Ethan what he 
needed if he would come for it. Accordingly, 
with a team and man, Ethan crossed the ice 
on the roth of February. Col. Ebenezer Allen 
had invited some neighbors, who were old 
friends and acquaintances, to meet his guest, 
and the afternoon and evening were spent in 
telling stories. Ethan was persuaded to stay 
over night and the next morning started for 
home with his load of hay. During the jour- 
ney his negro spoke to him several times but 

received no reply. On reaching home he dis- 
198 



Death, 199 

covered that his master was unconscious. He 
was carried into his house and died from apo- 
plexy in a few" hours. 

To estimate properly Allen's force of char- 
acter and large mind, we should appreciate 
the crude civilization of the early pioneer days 
of Vermont, when self-culture could only be 
procured by great qualities. The population 
was about five thousand, chiefly on the east 
side of the mountains. The bulk of the peo- 
ple lived in log houses with earthen floors, 
and with windows made of oiled paper, isin- 
glass, raw hides, or sometimes 6x8 panes of 
glass. Smaller log houses were used to pro- 
tect domestic animals from wolves and bears, 
as well as from the inclemency of the weather. 
It was the life of the frontier in the wilder- 
ness, when the struggle for bare sustenance 
left little time for the acquirement of knowl- 
edge, much less of accomplishments. 

Allen is not the best representative man of 
his time, but his experience was so startling, 
his character so piquant, that a sketch of him 
better photographs Vermont before her ad- 
mission to the Union than that of any other 
man. As a statesman he was infinitely inferior 
to Chipman or Bradley; as a soldier, Seth 



200 Ethan Allen, 

Warner, although, six years younger, was his 
superior; Ira Allen was more capable and 
more accomplished ; Governor Chittenden was 
more discreet in the management of state af- 
fairs. As a captive, absent from the state 
from 1775 to 1778, Allen had nothing to do 
with the adoption of the constitution or the 
first organization of our state government ; as 
a member of the legislature he won no reputa- 
tion. He lacked the scholarly culture and pol- 
ished suavity of the highest type of gentleman ; 
he was sometimes horribly profane. He de- 
lighted in battling with the religious orthodoxy 
of New England ; he wrote a book to disprove 
the authenticity of the Bible ; yet he was en- 
ergetic in his expressions of veneration for the 
being and perfection of the Deity, and a firm 
believer in the immortality of the soul. 
Thoroughly familiar with the history and law 
of the New York controversy, his telling ex- 
posure of the subtle casuistry of the more 
learned New York lawyers ; his thorough sym- 
pathy with the settlers in all their trials and 
amusements; his geniality, sociability, and 
aptness in story-telling; his detestation of all 
dishonesty and meanness ; his burning zeal for 
American freedom ; his adroit success, his bit- 



Death, 20 1 

ter sufferings, even his one unlucky rashness 
in attacking Montreal when deserted by the 
very man who had induced him to undertake it ; 
his numerous writings — all combine to make 
him the most popular of our state characters. 

Washington's masterly knowledge of human 
nature gives value to his brief portrait of Allen. 
Immediately on being released from captiv- 
ity, Allen visited Washington at Valley Forge. 
Washington wrote to Congress in regard to 
Allen. 

His fortitude and firmness seem to have placed 
him out of the reach of misfortune. There is an 
original something about him that commands ad- 
miration, and his long captivity and sufferings 
have only served to increase, if possible, his en- 
thusiastic zeal. He appears very desirous of 
rendering his services to the states and of being 
employed, and at the same time he does not dis- 
cover any ambition for high rank. 

Senator Edmunds says of Allen : " Ethan Al- 
len was a man of gifts rather than acquire- 
ments, although he was not by any means de- 
ficient in that knowledge obtained from read- 
ing and from intercourse with men. But it 
was the natural force of his character that 
made him eminent among the worthiest who 
14 



202 Ethan Allen, 

founded the republic, and pre-eminent among 
those who founded the state of Vermont." 

Col. John A. Graham, who knew Allen well 
the last two or three years of his life, published 
a book in England a few years after Allen's 
death and therein says : " Ethan Allen was a 
man of extraordinary character. He possessed 
great talents but was deficient in education. 
In all his dealings he possessed the strictest 
sense of honor, integrity, and uprightness." 

The Hon. Daniel P.Thompson attributes to 
him "wisdom, aptitude to command, ability 
to inspire respect and confidence, a high sense 
of honor, generosity, and kindness." 

Jared Sparks calls him "brave, generous, 
consistent, true to his friends, true to his coun- 
try, seeking at all times to promote the best 
interests of mankind." 

Governor Hiland Hall says : " He acquired 
much information by reading and observation. 
His knowledge of the political situation of the 
state and country was general and accurate. 
As a writer, he was ready, clear, and forcible. 
His style attracted and fixed attention and in- 
spired confidence in his sincerity and justice." 

John Jay speaks of his writings as having 
"wit, quaintness, and impudence." 



Death, 203 

In financial skill Ethan was inferior to his 
brother Ira; as a soldier he lacked the cool 
judgment of Seth Warner; in administrative 
ability he had neither the tact nor success of 
Governor Chittenden ; as a statesman he was 
destitute of the learning and ability of Chip- 
man and Bradley ; but as a patriot and friend 
he was true as a star. No money, no office, 
could bribe ; no insults, no suffering, tame him. 
As a boon companion he was rollicking and 
popular. Many are the stories told of his 
hearty good- will toward all. One instance will 
show his power to attach the common people 
to him : Finding a woman in Tinmouth dread- 
ing to have a painful tooth drawn, in order to 
encourage her he sat down and had one of his 
perfectly sound teeth extracted. 

In religion, like Horace Greeley, Allen had 
reverence for the Deity but none for the 
Bible. In this he was not alone, for Vermont, 
in the later eighteenth century, presented a 
curious mixture of the strictest adherence to 
the letter of the religious law and absolute 
free-thinking. 

The Universalists in 1785 held their first 
American convention in Massachusetts. When 
this doctrine was first introduced into Ver- 



204 Ethan Allen, 

rqont, John Norton, the Westminster tavern- 
keeper, said to Ethan Allen: "That religion 
will suit you, will it not. General Allen?" 

Allen, who knew Norton to be a secret tory, 
replied in utter scorn : " No ! no ! for there 
must be a hell in the other world for the pun- 
ishment of tories." 

President Dwight said : " Many of the influ- 
ential early Vermonters were professed infi- 
dels or Universalists, or persons of equally 
loose principles and morals." Judge Robert 
R. Livingston wrote Dr. Franklin : " The bulk 
of Vermonters are New England Presbyterian 
whigs." Daniel Chipman says: "Great num- 
bers of the early settlers were of the set of 
New-lights or Separates, who fled from perse- 
cution in the New England States and found 
religious liberty here." 

Before Allen took Ticonderoga, Vermont 
had eleven Congregational and four Baptist 
churches. For a quarter of a century (1783- 
1 807) towns and parishes could assess taxes for 
churches and ministers. At the very thresh- 
old of Vermont's existence the laws had a Pu- 
ritanic severity. " High-handed blasphemy" 
was punished with death; while fines or the 
stocks were the rewards of profane swearing. 



Death. 205 

drunkenness, unseasonable night-walking, dis- 
turbing Sabbath worship, travelling Sunday, 
gaming, horse-racing, confirmed tavern-haunt- 
ing, mischievous lying, and even meeting in 
company Saturday or Sunday evenings except 
in religious meetings. " No person shall drive 
a team or droves of any kind, or travel on the 
Lord's day (except it be on business that con- 
cerns the present war, or by some adversity 
they are belated and forced to lodge in the 
woods, wilderness, or highways the night be- 
fore) , " then only to next shelter. The wife of 
the Rev. Sam. Williams was arrested in New 
Hampshire for travelling on Sunday. No 
Jew, Roman Catholic, atheist, or deist could 
take the oath required of a member of the 
legislature ; for that oath professed belief in 
the Deity, the divine inspiration of both Testa- 
ments, and the Protestant religion. The Rev. 
Samuel Peters, LL.D., sometimes called Bish- 
op Peters, tells us the Munchausen story that 
he baptized into the Church of England 1,200 
adults and children amid the forests of Ver- 
mont. In 1790 Vermont was enough of a dio- 
cese to hold a convention of eight parishes and 
two rectors. 

Bennington was the early nucleus of Ver- 



206 Ethan Allen. 

mont colonization. Samuel Robinson, of that 
town, had land to sell both in Bennington and 
the adjoining town of Shaftsbury. It is said 
he entertained over night the new immigrants ; 
if Baptists, he sold them land in Shaftsbury ; 
if Congregationalists, he sold them land in 
Bennington. 

What visible tokens have we of Vermont's 
pride in this hero, to whom she is so much in- 
debted for her existence as a state ? 

The earliest statue of Ethan Allen was by 
Benjamin Harris Kinney, a native of Sunder- 
land. It was modelled in Burlington and ex- 
hibited there in 1852. The Rev. Zadoc Thomp- 
son said of it : " All who have long and care- 
fully examined his statue will admit that the 
artist, Mr. Kinney, our respected townsman, 
has embodied and presented to the eye the 
ideal in a most masterly manner." The Hon. 
David Read says: "The statue was exam- 
ined by several aged people who had person- 
ally known Allen, and all pronounce it an ex- 
cellent likeness of him." Henry de Puy has 
an engraving of this statue in his book about 
Allen in 1853. This statue has never been 
purchased from Mr. Kinney, and it is still in 
his possession. 



Death, 207 

The two statues of Allen made for tlie state 
are the work of Larkin G. Mead, a native of 
Chesterfield, N.H., reared and educated in 
Brattleboro. One of them, at the entrance of 
the State-house in Montpelier, is of Rutland 
marble. The other one, in the Capitol at 
Washington, is of Italian marble. 

The fourth statue was unveiled at Burling- 
ton, the 4th of July, 1873. It was made at 
Carrara, Italy, after a design by Peter Stephen- 
son, of Boston. It is 8 ft. 4 in. high, stands 
on a granite shaft 42 ft. in height, in Green 
Mountain Cemetery, on the banks of the Wi- 
nooski. 

" Siste viator! Heroa calcasr 



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